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well as worship, was openly professed and practised among his household. Bishops, perhaps for the first time, were seen at court; and, after the death of Alexander, when the inhuman Maximin discharged his fury on the favourites and servants of his unfortunate benefactor, a great number of Christians, of every rank, and of both sexes, were involved in the promiscuous massacre, which, on their account, has improperly received the name of Persecution." Notwithstanding the cruel disposition of Maximin, the effects of his resentment against the Christians were of a very local and temporary nature, and the pious Origen, who had been proscribed as a devoted victim, was still reserved to convey the truths of the Gospel to the ear of monarchs." He addressed several edifying letters to the emperor Philip, to his wife, and to his mother; and as soon as that prince, who was born in the neighbourhood of Palestine, had usurped the imperial sceptre, the Christians acquired a friend and a protector. The public and even partial favour of Philip towards the sectaries of the new religion, and his constant reverence for the ministers of the church, gave some colour to the suspicion, which prevailed in his own times, that the emperor himself was become a convert to the faith; " and afforded some

CHAP.
XVI.

A.D. 235.

Of Maximin, Philip, and Decius.

A. D. 244.

temple to Christ (Hist. August. p. 129), and the objection which was suggested
either to him, or in similar circumstances to Hadrian, appear to have no other
foundation than an improbable report, invented by the Christians, and credulously
adopted by an historian of the age of Constantine.
m Euseb. 1. vi. c. 28. It may be presumed, that the success of the Christians
had exasperated the increasing bigotry of the Pagans. Dion Cassius, who com-
posed his history under the former reign, had most probably intended for the use
of his master those counsels of persecution, which he ascribes to a better age, and
to the favourite of Augustus. Concerning this oration of Maecenas, or rather of
Dion, I may refer to my own unbiassed opinion (vol. i. p. 45. note”), and to the
Abbé de la Bleterie (Memoires de l'Academie, tom. xxiv. p. 303; tom. xxv.
p. 432).
* Orosius, l. vii. c. 19, mentions Origen as the object of Maximin’s resentment;
and Firmilianus, a Cappadocian bishop of that age, gives a just and confined idea
of this persecution (apud Cyprian. Epist. 75).
° The mention of those princes who were publicly supposed to be Christians,
as we find it in an epistle of Dionysius of Alexandria (ap. Euseb. 1. vii. c. 10),

grounds for a fable which was afterwards invented, CHAP. that he had been purified by confession and penance * from the guilt contracted by the murder of his innocent predecessor.” The fall of Philip introduced, A.D.249. with the change of masters, a new system of government, so oppressive to the Christians, that their former condition, ever since the time of Domitian, was represented as a state of perfect freedom and security, if compared with the rigorous treatment which they experienced under the short reign of Decius." The virtues of that prince will scarcely allow us to suspect that he was actuated by a mean resentment against the favourites of his predecessor; and it is more reasonable to believe that, in the prosecution of his general design to restore the purity of Roman manners, he was desirous of delivering the empire from what he condemned as a recent and criminal superstition. The bishops of the most considerable cities were removed by exile or death; the vigilance of the magistrates prevented the clergy of Rome during sixteen months from proceeding to a new election; and it was the opinion of the Christians, that the emperor would more patiently endure a competitor for the purple, than a bishop in the capital. Were it possible

evidently alludes to Philip and his family; and forms a contemporary evidence, that such a report had prevailed; but the Egyptian bishop, who lived at an humble distance from the court of Rome, expresses himself with a becoming diffidence concerning the truth of the fact. The epistles of Origen (which were extant in the time of Eusebius, see 1. vi. c. 36) would most probably decide this curious, rather than important, question. P Euseb. 1. vi. c.34. The story, as is usual, has been embellished by succeeding writers, and is confuted, with much superfluous learning, by Frederick Spanheim (Opera Varia, tom. ii. p. 400, &c.). * Lactantius, de Mortibus Persecutorum, c. 3, 4. After celebrating the felicity and increase of the church, under a long succession of good princes; he adds, “ Extitit post annos plurimos, execrabile animal, Decius, qui vexaret ecclesiam.” * Euseb. 1. vi. c. 39. Cyprian. Epistol. 55. The see of Rome remained vacant from the martyrdom of Fabianus, the 20th of January, A. D. 250, till the election of Cornelius, the 4th of June, A. D. 251. Decius had probably left Rome, since he was killed before the end of that year.

CHAP.
XVI.

Of Vale-
rian, Galli-
enus, and
his succes-
Sors.
A. D. 253
–260.

to suppose that the penetration of Decius had discovered pride under the disguise of humility, or that he could foresee the temporal dominion which might insensibly arise from the claims of spiritual authority, we might be less surprised, that he should consider

the successors of St. Peter as the most formidable rivals

to those of Augustus.
The administration of Valerian was distinguished

by a levity and inconstancy, ill-suited to the gravity

of the Roman Censor. In the first part of his reign,

he surpassed in clemency those princes who had been suspected of an attachment to the Christian faith.

In the last three years and a half, listening to the insinuations of a minister addicted to the superstitions of Egypt, he adopted the maxims, and imitated the

severity, of his predecessor Decius." The accession

of Gallienus, which increased the calamities of the empire, restored peace to the church; and the Chris

tians obtained the free exercise of their religion, by

an edict addressed to the bishops, and conceived in

such terms as seemed to acknowledge their office and public character." The ancient laws, without being

formally repealed, were suffered to sink into oblivion; and (excepting only some hostile intentions which are attributed to the emperor Aurelian") the disciples of Christ passed above forty years in a state of prosperity, far more dangerous to their virtue than the severest trials of persecution.

* Euseb. 1. vii. c. 10. Mosheim (p. 548) has very clearly shown, that the praefect Macrianus, and the Egyptian Magus, are one and the same person.

* Eusebius (l. vii. c. 13) gives us a Greek version of this Latin edict, which seems to have been very concise. By another edict, he directed that the Carmeteria should be restored to the Christians.

"Euseb. 1. vii. c. 30. Lactantius de M. P. c.6. Hieronym. in Chron. p. 177. Orosius, l. vii. c. 23. Their language is in general so ambiguous and incorrect, that we are at a loss to determine how far Aurelian had carried his intentions before he was assassinated. Most of the moderns (except Dodwell, Dissertat. Cyprian. xi. 64) have seized the occasion of gaining a few extraordinary martyrs.

The story of Paul of Samosata, who filled the me- CHAP.

tropolitan see of Antioch, while the East was in the XVI. hands of Odenathus and Zenobia, may serve to illus-Paul of sotrate the condition and character of the times. Theo" wealth of that prelate was a sufficient evidence of his *** guilt, since it was neither derived from the inheritance of his fathers, nor acquired by the arts of homest industry. But Paul considered the service of the church as a very lucrative profession." His ecclesiastical jurisdiction was venal and rapacious; he extorted frequent contributions from the most opulent of the faithful, and converted to his own use a considerable part of the public revenue. By his pride and luxury, the Christian religion was rendered odious in the eyes of the Gentiles. His council chamber and his throne, the splendour with which he appeared in public, the suppliant crowd who solicited his attention, the multitude of letters and petitions to which he dictated his answers, and the perpetual hurry of business in which he was involved, were circumstances much better suited to the state of a civil magistrate," than to the humility of a primitive bishop. When he harangued his people from the pulpit, Paul affected the figurative style and the theatrical gestures of an Asiatic sophist, while the cathedral resounded with the loudest and most extravagant acclamations in the praise of his divine eloquence. Against those who resisted his power, or refused to flatter his vanity, the

* Paul was better pleased with the title of Ducenarius, than with that of bishop. The Ducenarius was an imperial procurator, so called, from his salary of two hundred Sestertia, or 1,600l. a year. (See Salmasius ad Hist. August. p. 124). Some critics suppose, that the bishop of Antioch had actually obtained such an office from Zenobia, while others consider it only as a figurative expression of his pomp and insolence.

* Simony was not unknown in those times; and the clergy sometimes bought what they intended to sell. It appears that the bishopric of Carthage was purchased by a wealthy matron, named Lucilla, for her servant Majorinus. The price was 400 Folles. (Monument. Antiq. ad calcem Optati, p. 263). Every Follis contained 125 pieces of silver, and the whole sum may be computed at about 2,400l.

CHAP. prelate of Antioch was arrogant, rigid, and inexorable; * but he relaxed the discipline, and lavished the treasures, of the church on his dependent clergy, who were permitted to imitate their master in the gratification of every sensual appetite. For Paul indulged himself very freely in the pleasures of the table, and he had received into the episcopal palace two young and beautiful women, as the constant companions of his leisure moments.” He is le. Notwithstanding these scandalous vices, if Paul of floo" Samosata had preserved the purity of the orthodox Ajo faith, his reign over the capital of Syria would have ended only with his life; and had a seasonable persecution intervened, an effort of courage might perhaps have placed him in the rank of saints and martyrs. Some nice and subtle errors, which he imprudently adopted and obstinately maintained, concerning the doctrine of the Trinity, excited the zeal and indignation of the Eastern churches.” From Egypt to the Euxine sea, the bishops were in arms and in motion. Several councils were held, confutations were published, excommunications were pronounced, ambiguous explanations were by turns accepted and refused, treaties were concluded and violated, and at length Paul of Samosata was degraded from his episcopal character, by the sentence of seventy or eighty bishops, who assembled for that purpose at Antioch, and who, without consulting the rights of the clergy or people, appointed a successor by their own authority. The manifest irregularity of this proceeding increased the numbers of the discontented faction; and as Paul, who was no stranger to the arts of courts,

* If we are desirous of extenuating the vices of Paul, we must suspect the assembled bishops of the East of publishing the most malicious calumnies in circular epistles addressed to all the churches of the empire (ap. Euseb. 1. vii. c. 30).

y His heresy (like those of Noetus and Sabellius, in the same century) tended to confound the mysterious distinction of the divine persons. See Mosheim, p. 702, &c.

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