Makes war

against Magnentius, A.D. 351.

The behaviour of Constantius on this memorable occasion was celebrated with some appearance of justice; and his courtiers compared the studied orations which a Pericles or a Demosthenes addressed to the populace of Athens, with the victorious eloquence

which had persuaded an armed multitude to desert

and depose the object of their partial choice." The approaching contest with Magmentius was of a more serious and bloody kind. The tyrant advanced by rapid marches to encounter Constantius, at the head of a numerous army, composed of Gauls and Spaniards, of Franks and Saxons; of those provincials who supplied the strength of the legions, and of those barbarians who were dreaded as the most formidable enemies of the republic. The fertile plains" of the Lower Pannonia, between the Drave, the Save, and the Danube, presented a spacious theatre; and the operations of the civil war were protracted during the summer months by the skill or timidity Qf the combatants." Constantius had declared his intention of deciding the quarrel in the fields of Cibalis, a name that would animate his troops by the remembrance of the victory which, on the same auspicious ground, had been obtained by the arms of his father Constantine. Yet by the impregnable fortifications with which the

“Voluptarium otium.” Socrates, (l. ii. c. 28) is the voucher for the corre-
spondence with the emperor, which would seem to prove, that Vetranio was,
indeed, prope ad stultitiam simplicissimus.
* Eum Constantius . . . . . facundiae vi dejectum imperio in privatum
otium removit. Quae gloria post natum imperium soli processit eloquio cle-
mentiáque, &c. Aurelius Victor, Julian, and Themistius (Orat. iii. and iv),
adorn this exploit with all the artificial and gaudy colouring of their rhetoric.
* Busbequius (p. 112) traversed the Lower Hungary and Sclavonia at a time
when they were reduced almost to a desert, by the reciprocal hostilities of the
Turks and Christians. Yet he mentions with admiration the unconquerable
fertility of the soil; and observes that the height of the grass was sufficient to
conceal a loaded waggon from his sight. See likewise Browne's Travels, in
Harris's Collection, vol. ii. p. 762, &c.
* Zosimus gives a very large account of the war, and the negotiation (l. ii.
p. 123–130). But as he neither shows himself a soldier nor a politician, his
narrative must be weighed with attention, and received with caution.

emperor encompassed his camp, he appeared to decline, rather than to invite, a general engagement. It was the object of Magnentius to tempt or to compel his adversary to relinquish this advantageous position; and he employed, with that view, the various

marches, evolutions, and stratagems, which the know

ledge of the art of war could suggest to an experienced officer. He carried by assault the important town of Siscia; made an attack on the city of Sirmium, which lay in the rear of the imperial camp; attempted to force a passage over the Save into the eastern provinces of Illyricum; and cut in pieces a numerous detachment, which he had allured into the narrow passes of Adarne. During the greater part of the summer, the tyrant of Gaul showed himself master of the field. The troops of Constantius were harassed and dispirited; his reputation declined in the eye of the world; and his pride condescended to solicit a treaty of peace, which would have resigned to the assassin of Constans the sovereignty of the provinces beyond the Alps. These offers were enforced by the eloquence of Philip, the imperial ambassador; and the council as well as the army of Magnentius were disposed to accept them. But the haughty usurper, careless of the remonstrances of his friends, gave orders that Philip should be detained as a captive, or at least as a hostage; while he despatched an officer to reproach Constantius with the weakness of his reign, and to insult him by the promise of a pardon, if he would instantly abdicate the purple. “That he should confide in the justice of his cause, and the protection of an avenging Deity,” was the only answer which honour permitted the emperor to return. But he was so sensible of the difficulties of his situation, that he no longer dared to retaliate the indignity which had been offered to his representative. The negotiation of Philip was not, however, ineffectual,




Battle of
A. D. 351
Sept. 28.

since he determined Sylvanus the Frank, a general of merit and reputation, to desert with a considerable body of cavalry, a few days before the battle of Mursa.

The city of Mursa, or Essek, celebrated in modern times for a bridge of boats five miles in length, over the river Drave, and the adjacent morasses," has been always considered as a place of importance in the wars of Hungary. Magnentius, directing his march towards Mursa, set fire to the gates, and, by a sudden assault, had almost scaled the walls of the town. The vigilance of the garrison extinguished the flames; the approach of Constantius left him no time to continue the operations of the siege; and the emperor soon removed the only obstacle that could embarrass his motions, by forcing a body of troops which had taken post in an adjoining amphitheatre. The field of battle round Mursa was a naked and level plain: on this ground the army of Constantius formed, with the Drave on their right; while their left, either from the nature of their disposition, or from the superiority of their cavalry, extended far beyond the right flank of Magnentius.* The troops on both sides remained under arms in anxious expectation during the greatest part of the morning; and the son of Constantine, after animating his soldiers by an eloquent speech, retired into a church at some distance from the field of battle, and committed to his generals the conduct of this decisive day. They deserved his confidence

* This remarkable bridge, which is flanked with towers, and supported on large wooden piles, was constructed, A. D. 1566, by Sultan Soliman, to facilitate

the march of his armies into Hungary. See Browne's Travels, and Busching's System of Geography, vol. ii. p. 90. e This position, and the subsequent evolutions, are clearly, though concisely, described by Julian, Orat. i. p. 36. f Sulpicius Severus, l. ii. p. 405. The emperor passed the day in prayer with Valens, the Adrian bishop of Mursa, who gained his confidence by announcing the success of the battle. M. de Tillemont (Hist, des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 1110) very properly remarks the silence of Julian with regard to the personal prowess of Constantius in the battle of Mursa. The silence of flattery is sometimes equal to the most positive and authentic evidence.

by the valour and military skill which they exerted. They wisely began the action upon the left; and advancing their whole wing of cavalry in an oblique line, they suddenly wheeled it on the right flank of the enemy, which was unprepared to resist the impetuosity of their charge. But the Romans of the West soon rallied, by the habits of discipline; and the barbarians of Germany supported the renown of their national bravery. The engagement soon became general; was maintained with various and singular turns of fortune; and scarcely ended with the darkness of the night. The signal victory which Constantius obtained is attributed to the arms of his cavalry. His cuirassiers are described as so many massy statues of steel, glittering with their scaly armour, and breaking with their ponderous lances the firm array of the Gallic legions. As soon as the legions gave way, the lighter and more active squadrons of the second line rode sword in hand into the intervals, and completed the disorder. In the mean while, the huge bodies of the Germans were exposed almost naked to the dexterity of the Oriental archers; and whole troops of those barbarians were urged by anguish and despair to precipitate themselves into the broad and rapid stream of the Drave." The number of the slain was computed at fifty-four thousand men, and the slaughter of the conquerors was more considerable than that of the vanquished;" a circumstance which proves the go obstinacy of the contest, and justifies the observation III. - e of an ancient writer, that the forces of the empire were consumed in the fatal battle of Mursa, by the loss of a veteran army, sufficient to defend the frontiers, or to add new triumphs to the glory of Rome.' Notwithstanding the invectives of a servile orator, there is not the least reason to believe that the tyrant deserted his own standard in the beginning of the engagement. He seems to have displayed the virtues of a general and of a soldier till the day was irrecoverably lost, and his camp in the possession of the enemy. Magnentius then consulted his safety, and throwing away the imperial ornaments, escaped with some difficulty from the pursuit of the light horse, who incessantly followed his rapid flight from the banks of the Drave to the foot of the Julian Alps.’ Conquest The approach of winter supplied the indolence of o, C ius with speci for deferring th A.D.352. Constantius with specious reasons for deferring the prosecution of the war till the ensuing spring. Magmentius had fixed his residence in the city of Aquileia, and showed a seeming resolution to dispute the passage of the mountains and morasses which fortified the confines of the Venetian province. The surprisal of a castle in the Alps, by the secret march of the imperialists, could scarcely have determined him to relinquish the possession of Italy, if the inclinations of the people had supported the cause of their tyrant." But the memory of the cruelties exercised by his * Ingentes R.I. vires ea dimicatione consumpta sunt, ad quaelibet bella externa idoneae, quae multum triumphorum possent securitatisque conferre. Eutropius, x. 13. The younger Victor expresses himself to the same effect. J On this occasion, we must prefer the unsuspected testimony of Zosimus and Zonaras to the flattering assertions of Julian. The younger Victor paints the character of Magnentius in a singular light: “Sermonis acer, animi tumidi, et immodice timidus; artifex tamen ad occultandam audacia specie formidinem. Is it most likely that in the battle of Mursa his behaviour was governed by nature or by art? I should incline for the latter. * Julian. Orat. i. p. 38,39. In that place, however, as well as in Oration ii.

* g Julian. Orat. i. p. 36, 37; and Orat. ii. p. 59, 60. Zonaras, tom. ii. 1. xiii.
p. 17. Zosimus, l. ii. p. 130–133. The last of these celebrates the dexterity
of the archer Menelaus, who could discharge three arrows at the same time; an
advantage which, according to his apprehension of military affairs, materially
contributed to the victory of Constantius.
" According to Zonaras, Constantius, out of 80,000 men, lost 30,000; and
Magnentius lost 24,000 out of 36,000. The other articles of this account seem
probable and authentic, but the numbers of the tyrant’s army must have been
mistaken, either by the author or his transcribers. Magnentius had collected
the whole force of the West, Romans and barbarians, into one formidable body,
which cannot fairly be estimated at less than 100,000 men. Julian. Orat. i.
p. 34, 35. -


p.97, he insinuates the general disposition of the senate, the people, and the soldiers of Italy, towards the party of the emperor.

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