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gratitude might influence their future conduct. He chAP.

had remarked the lofty stature and obsequious demeanour of Zizais, one of the noblest of their chiefs. He conferred on him the title of King; and Zizais proved that he was not unworthy to reign, by a sincere and lasting attachment to the interest of his benefactor, who, after this splendid success, received the name of Sarmaticus from the acclamations of his victorious army."

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While the Roman emperor and the Persian mon- The Per

arch, at the distance of three thousand miles,

de- sian negotiation,

fended their extreme limits against the barbarians A.D. 358.

of the Danube and of the Oxus, their intermediate frontier experienced the vicissitudes of a languid war, and a precarious truce. Two of the eastern ministers of Constantius, the Praetorian praefect Musonian, whose abilities were disgraced by the want of truth and integrity, and Cassian duke of Mesopotamia, a hardy and veteran soldier, opened a secret negotiation with the satrap Tamsapor." These overtures of peace, translated into the servile and flattering language of Asia, were transmitted to the camp of the Great King; who resolved to signify, by an ambassador, the terms which he was inclined to grant to the suppliant Romans. Narses, whom he invested with that character, was honourably received in his passage through Antioch and Constantinople: he reached Sirmium after a long journey, and, at his first audience, respectfully unfolded the silken veil which covered the haughty epistle of his sovereign. Sapor, King of Kings, and Brother of the Sun and Moon (such were the lofty titles affected by Oriental vanity), expressed his satisfaction that his brother, Constantius Caesar, had been taught wisdom by ad

* Genti Sarmatarum magno decori confidens apud eos regem dedit. Aurelius Victor. In a pompous oration pronounced by Constantius himself, he expatiates on his own exploits with much vanity, and some truth.

" Ammian. xvi. 9.

CHAP. versity. As the lawful successor of Darius Hystaspes,

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Sapor asserted, that the river Strymon, in Macedonia, was the true and ancient boundary of his empire; declaring, however, that as an evidence of his moderation he would content himself with the provinces of Armenia and Mesopotamia, which had been fraudulently extorted from his ancestors. He alleged, that, without the restitution of these disputed countries, it was impossible to establish any treaty on a solid and permanent basis; and he arrogantly threatened, that if his ambassador returned in vain, he was prepared to take the field in the spring, and to support the justice of his cause by the strength of his invincible arms. Narses, who was endowed with the most polite and amiable manners, endeavoured, as far as was consistent with his duty, to soften the harshness of the message.” Both the style and substance were maturely weighed in the imperial council, and he was dismissed with the following answer: “Constantius had a right to disclaim the officiousness of his ministers, who had acted without any specific orders from the throne: he was not, however, averse to an equal and honourable treaty; but it was highly indecent, as well as absurd, to propose to the sole and victorious emperor of the Roman world the same conditions of peace which he had indignantly rejected at the time when his power was contracted within the narrow limits of the East: the chance of arms was uncertain; and Sapor should recollect, that if the Romans had sometimes been vanquished in battle, they had almost always been successful in the event of the war.” A few days after the departure of Narses, three ambassadors were sent to the court of Sapor, who was already returned from the Scythian expedition to his ordinary residence of Ctesiphon. A count, a notary, and a CHAP.

* Ammianus (xvii. 5) transcribes the haughty letter. Themistius (Orat. iv. p. 57. edit. Petav.) takes notice of the silk covering. Idatius and Zonaras mention the journey of the ambassador; and Peter the Patrician (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 28) has informed us of his conciliating behaviour.

sophist, had been selected for this important com-
mission; and Constantius, who was secretly anxious
for the conclusion of the peace, entertained some
hopes that the dignity of the first of these ministers,
the dexterity of the second, and the rhetoric of the
third,” would persuade the Persian monarch to abate
of the rigour of his demands. But the progress of
their negotiation was opposed and defeated by the
hostile arts of Antoninus,” a Roman subject of Syria,
who had fled from oppression, and was admitted into
the councils of Sapor, and even to the royal table,
where, according to the custom of the Persians, the
most important business was frequently discussed."
The dexterous fugitive promoted his interest by the
same conduct which gratified his revenge. He in-
cessantly urged the ambition of his new master, to
embrace the favourable opportunity when the bravest
of the Palatine troops were employed with the em-
peror in a distant war on the Danube. He pressed
Sapor to invade the exhausted and defenceless pro-
vinces of the East, with the numerous armies of
Persia, now fortified by the alliance and accession of
the fiercest barbarians. The ambassadors of Rome
retired without success, and a second embassy, of a
still more honourable rank, was detained in strict con-
finement, and threatened either with death or exile.
y Ammianus, xvii. 5. and Walesius ad loc, The sophist, or philosopher (in
that age these words were almost synonymous), was Eustathius the Cappadocian,
the disciple of Jamblichus, and the friend of St. Basil. Eunapius (in Vit.
AEdesii, p. 44–47) fondly attributes to this philosophic ambassador the glory of
enchanting the barbarian king by the persuasive charms of reason and eloquence.
See Tillemont. Hist, des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 828. 1132.
* Ammian. xviii. 5, 6.8. The decent and respectful behaviour of Antoninus
towards the Roman general sets him in a very interesting light; and Ammianus
himself speaks of the traitor with some compassion and esteem.
* This circumstance, as it is noticed by Ammianus, serves to prove the ve-
racity of Herodotus (l. i. c. 133), and the permanency of the Persian manners.
In every age the Persians have been addicted to intemperance, and the wines of

Shiraz have triumphed over the law of Mahomet. Brisson de Regno Pers. l. ii. p. 462—472, and Chardin, Voyages en Perse, tom. iii. p. 90.

o The military historian," who was himself despatched — to observe the army of the Persians, as they were Invasion preparing to construct a bridge of boats over the to: Tigris, beheld from an eminence the plain of Assyria, ... as far as the edge of the horizon, covered with men, with horses, and with arms. Sapor appeared in the front, conspicuous by the splendour of his purple. On his left hand, the place of honour among the Orientals, Grumbates, king of the Chionites, displayed the stern countenance of an aged and renowned warrior. The monarch had reserved a similar place on his right hand for the king of the Albanians, who led his independent tribes from the shores of the Caspian. The satraps and generals were distributed according to their several ranks, and the whole army, besides the numerous train of Oriental luxury, consisted of more than one hundred thousand effective men, inured to fatigue, and selected from the bravest nations of Asia. The Roman deserter, who in some measure guided the councils of Sapor, had prudently advised, that, instead of wasting the summer in tedious and difficult sieges, he should march directly to the Euphrates, and press forwards without delay to seize the feeble and wealthy metropolis of Syria. But the Persians were no sooner advanced into the plains of Mesopotamia, than they discovered that every precaution had been used which could retard their progress, or defeat their design. The inhabitants, with their cattle, were secured in places of strength, the green forage throughout the country was set on fire, the fords of the river were fortified by sharp stakes; military engines were planted on the opposite banks, and a seasonable swell of the waters of the Euphrates deterred the barbarians from attempting the ordinary passage of the bridge of

* Ammian, I. Xviii. 6, 7, 8, 10.

Thapsacus. Their skilful guide, changing his plan of operations, then conducted the army by a longer circuit, but through a fertile territory, towards the head of the Euphrates, where the infant river is reduced to a shallow and accessible stream. Sapor overlooked, with prudent disdain, the strength of Nisibis; but as he passed under the walls of Amida, he resolved to try whether the majesty of his presence would not awe the garrison into immediate submission. The sacrilegious insult of a random dart, which glanced against the royal tiara, convinced him of his error; and the indignant monarch listened with impatience to the advice of his ministers, who conjured him not to sacrifice the success of his ambition to the gratification of his resentment. The following day Grumbates advanced towards the gates with a select body of troops, and required the instant surrender of the city, as the only atonement which could be accepted for such an act of rashness and insolence. His proposals were answered by a general discharge, and his only son, a beautiful and valiant youth, was pierced through the heart by a javelin, shot from one of the balistae. The funeral of the prince of the Chionites was celebrated according to the rites of his country; and the grief of his aged father was alleviated by the solemn promise of Sapor, that the guilty city of Amida should serve as a funeral pile to expiate the death, and to perpetuate the memory, of his son. The ancient city of Amid or Amida," which sometimes assumes the provincial appellation of Diarbekir,"

* For the description of Amida, see d'Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, p. 108. Histoire de Timur Bec, par Cherefeddin Ali, l. iii. c. 41. Ahmed Arabsiades, tom. i. p. 331. c. 43. Voyages de Tavernier, tom. i. p. 301. Voyages d’Otter, tom. ii. p. 273; and Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. ii. p. 324–328. The last of these travellers, a learned and accurate Dane, has given a plan of Amida, which illustrates the operations of the siege.

"Diarbekir, which is styled Amid, or Kara-Amid, in the public writings of

CHAP.
XIX.

Siege of
Amida.

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