XXIV.

correspondence; he praised the virtues of his CHAP. own times; he boldly arraigned the abuses of public and private life; and he eloquently pleaded the cause of Antioch against the just resentment of Julian and Theodosius. It is the common calamity of old age, to lose whatever might have rendered it desirable; but Libanius experienced the peculiar misfortune of surviving the religion and the sciences, to which he had consecrated his genius. The friend of Julian was an indignant spectator of the triumph of Christianity; and his bigotry, which darkened the prospect of the visible world, did not inspire Libanius with any lively hopes of celestial glory and happiness.

Julian to

The martial impatience of Julian urged him March of to take the field in the beginning of the spring; the Enand he dismissed, with contempt and reproach, phrates. the senate of Antioch, who accompanied the March 5.

Near two thousand of his letters, a mode of composition in which Libanius was thought to excel, are still extant, and already published. The critics may praise their subtle and elegant brevity; yet Dr. Bentley (Dissertation upon Phalaris, p. 487) might justly, though quaintly, observe, that " you feel by the emptiness and deadness of them, that you converse with some dreaming pedant, with his elbow on his "desk."

His birth is assigned to the year 314. He mentions the seventyixth year of his age, (A. D. 390), and seems to allude to some events of a still later date.

Libanius has composed the vain, prolix, but curious narrative of his own life, (tom. ii, p. 1-84, edit. Morell.) of which Eunapius (p. 130135) has left a concise and unfavourable account. Among the moderns, Tillemont, (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv, p. 571 576); Fabricius, (Bibliot. Græc. tom. vii, p. 376-414), and Lardner, (Heathen Testimonies, tom. iv, p. 127-163), have illustrated the character and writings of this famous sophist.

A. D. 363

CHAP. emperor beyond the limits of their own territory, XXIV. to which he was resolved never to return.

Af

ter a laborious march of two days,' he halted on the third, at Berea, or Aleppo, where he had the mortification of finding a senate almost entirely Christian, who received with cold and formal demonstrations of respect, the eloquent sermon of the apostle of paganism. The son of one of the most illustrious citizens of Beræa, who had embraced, either from interest or conscience, the religion of the emperor, was disinherited by his angry parent. The father and the son were invited to the imperial table. Julian placing himself between them, attempted, without success, to inculcate the lesson and example of toleration; supported, with affected calmness, the indiscreet zeal of the aged Christian, who seemed to forget the sentiments of nature, and the duty of a subject; and at length turning towards the afflicted youth-" Since you have lost a father," said he," for my sake, "it is incumbent on me to supply his place. The emperor was received in a manner much more agreeable to his wishes at Batnæ, a small town pleasantly seated in a grove of cypresses,

יי

f From Autioch to Litarbe, on the territory of Chalcis, the road, over hills and through morasses, was extremely bad; and the loose stones were cemented only with sand, (Julian, epist. xxvii). It is singular enough, that the Romans should have neglected the great communication between Antioch and the Euphrates. See Wesseling. Itinerar. p. 190. Bergier, Hist. des Grands Chemins, tom. ii, p. 100.

& Julian alludes to this incident, (epist. xxvii), which is more distinctly related by Theodoret, (1. iii, c. 22). The intolerant spirit of the father is applauded by Tillemont, (Hist, des Empereurs, tom. iv, p, 534), and even by La Blettric, (Vie de Julien, p. 413).

7

XXIV.

about twenty miles from the city of Hierapolis. CHAP. The solemn rites of sacrifice were decently prepared by the inhabitants of Batnæ, who seemed attached to the worship of their tutelar deities, Apollo and Jupiter; but the serious piety of Julian was offended by the tumult of their applause; and he too clearly discerned, that the smoke which arose from their altars was the incense of flattery, rather than of devotion. The ancient and magnificent temple, which had sanctified, for so many ages, the city of Hierapolis," no longer subsisted; and the consecrated wealth, which afforded a liberal maintenance to more than three hundred priests, might hasten its downfal. Yet Julian enjoyed the satisfaction of embracing a philosopher and a friend, whose religious firmness had withstood the pressing and repeated solicitations of Constantius and Gallus, as often as those princes lodg ed at his house, in their passage through Hierapolis. In the hurry of military preparation, and the careless confidence of a familiar correspondence, the zeal of Julian appears to have been lively and uniform. He had now undertaken an important and difficult war; and the anxiety of the event rendered him still more attentive to observe and register the most trifling presages, from which, according to the rules of divination, any knowledge of futurity could be

See the curious treatise de Dea Syriâ, inserted among the works of Lucian, (tom. iii, p. 451-499, edit. Reitz). The singular appellation of Ninus vetus (Anımián. xiv, 8) might induce a suspicion, that Hicrapolis had been the royal seat of the Assyrians.

CHAP. derived.' He informed Libanius of his proXXIV. gress as far as Hierapolis, by an elegant epis

k

tle, which displays the facility of his genius, and his tender friendship for the sophist of Antioch.

Hierapolis, situate almost on the banks of the His design Euphrates, had been appointed for the general ing Persia. rendezvous of the Roman troops, who imme

of invad

diately passed the great river on a bridge of boats, which was previously constructed." If the inclinations of Julian had been similar to those of his predecessor, he might have wasted the active and important season of the year in the circus of Samosata, or in the churches of Edessa. But as the warlike emperor, instead of Constantius, had chosen Alexander for his model, he advanced without delay to Carrhæ," a very ancient city of Mesopotamia, at the distance of fourscore miles from Hierapolis. The temple of the Moon attracted the devotion of Julian; but the halt of a few days was principally employed in completing the immense pre

J Julian (Epist. xxviii) kept a regular account of all the fortunate omens; but he suppresses the inauspicious signs, which Ammianus (xxiii, 2) has carefully recorded.

k Julian, epist. xxvii, p. 399-402.

'I take the earliest opportunity of acknowledging my obligations to M. d'Anville, for his recent geography of the Euphrates and Tigris, (Paris, 1780, in 4to), which particularly illustrates the expedition of Julian.

" There are three passages within a few miles of each other; 1. Zengma, celebrated by the ancients; 2. Bir, frequented by the moderns; and, 3. The bridge of Menbigz, or Hierapolis, at the distance of four parasangs from the city.

Haran, or Carrhæ, was the ancient residence of the Sabæans, and of Abraham. See the Index Geographicus of Schultens, (ad calcem Vit. Saladin.), a work from which I have obtained much Oriental knowledge, concerning the ancient and modern geography of Syris and the adjacent countries.

XXIV.

parations of the Persian war. The secret of CHAP. the expedition had hitherto remained in his own breast; but as Carrhæ is the point of separation of the two great roads, he could no longer conceal, whether it was his design to attack the dominions of Sapor on the side of the Tigris, or on that of the Euphrates. The emperor detached an army of thirty thousand men, under the command of his kinsman Procopius, and of Sebastian, who had been duke of Egypt. They were ordered to direct their march towards Nisibis, and to secure the frontier from the desultory incursions of the enemy, before they attempted the passage of the Tigris. Their subsequent operations were left to the discretion of the generals; but Julian expected, that after wasting with fire and sword the fertile districts of Media and Adiabene, they might arrive under the walls of Ctesiphon about the same time, that he himself, advancing with equal steps along the banks of the Euphrates, should besiege the capital of the Persian monarchy. The Disaffecsuccess of this well-concerted plan depended, in king of a great measure, on the powerful and ready assistance of the king of Armenia, who, without exposing the safety of his own dominions, might detach an army of four thousand horse, and twenty thousand foot, to the assistance of the Romans. But the feeble Arsaces Tira

See Xenophon, Cyropæd. 1. iii, p. 139, edit. Hutchinson Artavasdes might have supplied Marc Antony with 16,000 horse, armed and disciplined after the Parthian manner, (Plutarch, in M. Antonio, tom. v. p. 117)

tion of the

Armenia.