Will the disunionists claim that they are the discoverers of a new and beneficent system of political government, which commends itself to the patronage of her Catholic Majesty? What are the salient principles of their system? First, government shall employ no standing military force in conducting administration of its domestic concerns, but shall always be constituted by popular suffrage, and be dependent upon it. But it shall, at the same time, be the right of the minority, when overruled in the elections, to resort to insurrection, not merely to reverse the popular decree, but even to overthrow the government itself, while, on the other hand, the government can never lawfully use force to coerce compliance with its laws. 2d. The several states, districts, intendencies, or provinces which constitute a nation, must be brought and held together not in any case by conquest or force, but by voluntary federation, which may be stipulated to be perpetual. But each constituent state, district, intendency, or province retains an inherent and absolute sovereignty, and its people may rightfully withdraw from the federal Union at pleasure, equally in war as in peace, leaving its common debts unpaid, its common treaties unfulfilled, its common defence frustrated. Moreover, the seceding party may seize all the federal treasures, defences, institutions, and property found within its own limits, and convert them to its own use, simply offering to come at its own future pleasure to an equitable account. It is not to be doubted that the kingdom of Spain could be dissolved by her Catholic Majesty's acceptance of this new system much more rapidly than by waiting the slow effect of foreign wars or domestic mal-administration. Castile, and Old Castile, Leon, Andalusia and Aragon, Cuba and the Philippine Islands, would be much more easily separated on this plan than New York and Louisiana, California and Massachusetts, Florida and Michigan. Perhaps the so-called Confederate States will rest their appeal on some especial ground of sympathy with Spain and the states of Spanish America. In such a case you will need only to say that the moderation which has thus far been practiced by the United States towards Spain, and the Spanish American states once her colonies, has been due chiefly to the fact that the several North American states of British derivation, exclusive of Canada, have been bound together in a federal Union, and the continuance of that Union is the only guarantee for the practice of the same moderation hereafter. Will the so-called Confederate States promise liberal or reciprocal commerce with Spain or her provinces? What commerce can there be between states whose staples are substantially identical? Sugar cannot be exchanged for sugar, cotton for cotton, or rice for rice. The United States have always been willing, and undoubtedly they always will remain willing, to establish commerce with Spain and her provinces on terms as mutually reciprocal as the government of that country itself will allow. These thoughts are presented to you by direction of the President, not as exhausting the subject, but only as suggestions to your own vigorous and comprehensive mind, and he confidently relies on your applying all its powers to the full discussion of the subject if it shall become necessary. Mr. Preston to Mr. Seward. [Extract.] No. 41.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: An interview has taken place between the minister of foreign affairs and myself in reference to the subject embraced in your circular. In conformity with your instructions, I presented the inaugural address of the President as expressive of his policy towards the seceding States, and read to him your despatch, saying that the administration conceived that the unhappy differences existing in America owed their origin to popular passions and were of a transient character, and that the President was well assured of the speedy restoration of the harmony and unity of the govern ment. The minister replied with courtesy, expressing pain at the posture of affairs in the United States, but said that her Majesty's government was informed that extensive military and naval preparations were making in the north to enforce the federal supremacy in the south, and that the consequences were to be dreaded. I replied that I felt assured his information was erro neous. No commissioners from the Confederated States have yet applied for the recognition of the Southern Confederacy, as I informed you in my former despatch. The minister has promised me that no negotiations for that purpose shall be conducted without my being fully informed. This is as satisfactory an arrangement as could be desired under existing circumstances. * * * * * * SIR: The proclamations of the President declaring the blockade of the ports of Virginia, North Carolina, and other southern States, have been transmitted to the government of her Catholic Majesty for its official notification. No commissioners have yet arrived in Spain to apply for the recognition of the southern States which have seceded from the Union, and none will probably come until the question has been determined by the cabinets of London or Paris. * * * * * I have the honor to remain your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., Washington, D. C. * * W. PRESTON. No. 4.] Mr. Perry to Mr. Seward. [Extract.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: Your despatch of May 20, No. 1, has reached me, and varies the instructions of May 9. Please find annexed copy of my note to Mr. Calderon, dated yesterday, which I placed in his hands accompanied by a copy of your despatch. I deemed it proper to provoke a repetition to myself of the assurance given to Mr. Preston, and fix it by a statement in writing. On this subject, of the recognition by Spain of the pretended government of the Confederate States, I have had various interviews with influential personages, and with the sub-secretary and the first secretary of state. I have represented the position of the rebel party in a light which was evidently new to them. Yesterday, in a long and very satisfactory interview with Mr. Calderon, I explained to him the connexion of Mr. Jefferson Davis and other leaders in the southern rebellion with the attempt made in 1854-'55 by the same parties to provoke a war with Spain for the conquest of Cuba. He was made to see that the former filibustering against Cuba had its origin, like the present rebellion at the south, in the political ambition of our slave owners. They then wished to re-enforce the slave power in the Union by the annexation of new slave States, but having failed in Cuba, in Nicaragua, in Kansas, and lastly in the recent presidential election, they had at length to turn their arms against the government of the United States, now passed out of their control. Secession was filibustering struck in. I explained that, unhappily, a class at the south called by the slave owners "mean whites" were quite ready to follow their lead, and were a terrible instrument in their hands. Their own ignorance, their dependence upon the richer class, and their contact with the blacks had gradually reduced them, intellectually and morally, to a point of which, perhaps, there were few examples in the Anglo-Saxon race. They were as reckless of danger as they were of right, as ready to embark for the fever lakes of Central America as for the sugar fields of Cuba, or the wilds of Kansas, or a campaign against the government of their country. This was good material for a rebel soldiery; and under the more intelligent lead of the slave owners this revolt was undoubtedly serious and would cost blood. But the result was not doubtful. The disparity of force and resources on the part of the government was too overbalancing to leave the rebels a chance of long prolonging the struggle. 66 Happily, between the ambitious class of slave owners and the so-called mean whites," their instruments, there was a middle class in the south, more numerous than the two together, loyal to the Union and the Constitution. These loyal citizens were now held in a state of duress by the violence and intimidation employed by the slave owners and their instruments. His excellency would have noticed that from the beginning to this day the rebels had not obtained the sanction of a popular vote to any of their high acts. Nevertheless this was the only basis of political right known in America. We had no king, no church no aristocracy, no other political guarantee or sanction in our nation than the will of the people fairly expressed. None of the so-called ordinances separating States from the Union had been ratified by the people of those States themselves; nor had the pretended new confederation of those States, nor the formation of a constitution and government for the so-called Confederate States, nor any other of the high acts pretended to have been accomplished in the name of the people of certain States, ever received their sanction or concurrence. The majority was against such proceedings in the southern States themselves. The whole was the work of a party which, by violence, was imposing its action upon those States. Leaving out of view the question whether a State might or might not secede from the United States by its own will, really up to this time no such will had been manifested. The pretended acts of sovereignty exercised by those States in fact were not the acts of those States, but simply the acts of a party which shows itself a minority in those States. They were hollow, they lacked the only sanction which could give them substance. And the appearance of a confederate government set up by the faction operating in the south was an appearance only-convenient for their own purposes, but having no condition entitling it to the consideration of foreign States. Without the sanction of the people it was a pretence and no reality. I mentioned the example of the court, or appearance of a court, set up by Don Carlos in the northern provinces of Spain not many years since, and asked Mr. Calderon whether that was a government either de jure or de facto; and yet Don Carlos and his rebel army and sympathizers held a large district for a considerable period subject to their duress. Thus the appearance set up in our southern States was no government either de jure or de facto. It was at best a transitory form of violence, a phase of anarchy, a thing which could endure only whilst the violence might endure which had produced and still maintained it. But, aside from this violence, there was no political guarantee in Mr. Davis, nor in his followers, nor in the class from which they spring. Up to this time they had been unrestrained, and their demonstrations completely unchecked, by any show of force on the part of the government; but now it had been found necessary to display the power of the Union, and our forces were preparing by land and sea to quell this sedition and release the loyal people of the southern States from the duress of this rebel faction. Much more was said, and questions asked and answered, which it is hardly necessary to repeat. The result of this interview, I am happy to say, may be regarded by the President as decisive in regard to Spain. Much had been done previously, but it was brought to a termination yesterday. The minister of state not only renewed to me the assurance given to Mr. Preston, but amplified it, stating absolutely that if any commissioners o other negotiators should appear in behalf of the so-called Confederate States, the government would not see them nor recognize them in any capacity; that Spain would have nothing to do with the rebel party in the United States in any sense. I might write this to my government, and say besides that her Majesty's first secretary of state had promised me that within a few days, as soon as it could be declared, a decree would be issued by this government prohibiting all Spaniards from taking service on either side, and ordering all the subjects of Spain to maintain complete neutrality in the contest now begun in the United States; that she would prohibit the entrance of southern privateers into any of her ports, peninsular and colonial, and prohibit the furnishing of any supplies to the rebels, whether arms, provisions, coals, ships, or any other merchandise which might aid in their revolt against the government of the Union. Armed ships, with their prizes, would not be permitted to enter her ports. Spanish subjects would be forbidden to accept any letter of marque or other such document, or serve on board of any pri vateer; and no fitting out of vessels for the purpose of taking part in hostilities against the United States could be permitted, but impeded with vigor and severity. I have again seen Mr. Calderon to-day, and he informed me that, in pursuance of these declarations, he had just come from a council of ministers, where he had been occupied with this business, and that the decree would appear in two or three days at most, and that he would also write to Señor Tassara, her Majesty's representative in Washington, to make you the same announcement on the part of his government. * * * * * With sentiments of the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. Wм. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. HORATIO J. PERRY.. No. 7.] Mr. Perry to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Madrid, June 19, 1861. SIR: I have the honor to enclose the royal decree, published by the official gazette this morning, with its translation, (explained in No. 6.) The minister of state has to-day, whilst acknowledging that its provisions are in great part taken from the French decree, drawn my attention to the fact that he has avoided the use of the expression belligerents as far as possible, or any other which could be considered as prejudging the question of right in any manner. He also drew my attention to the fact that, though the decree proclaims neutrality, it expressly prohibits any supplies to be furnished to privateers in the Spanish ports, whilst vessels-of-war may be provided and equipped with all they need; and this provision tells exclusively against the party issuing letters of marque. The preamble also is less objectionable than some other documents which have seen the light in Europe. With the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. Wм. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. HORATIO J. PERRY. [Translation.] MINISTRY OF STATE.-ROYAL DECREE. Taking into consideration the relations which exist between Spain and the United States of America, and the desirability that the reciprocal sentiments of good intelligence should not be changed by reason of the grave events which have taken place in that republic, I have resolved to maintain the most strict neutrality in the contest begun between the federal States of the Union and the States confederated at the south; and in order to avoid the damage which might come to my subjects and to navigation, and to commerce, from the want of clear provisions to which to adjust their conduct in consonance with my council of ministers, I do decree the following: ARTICLE 1. It is forbidden in all the ports of the monarchy to arm, provide, or equip any privateer vessel, whatever may be the flag she displays. |