their original intention, would be careful as to the manner of applying the principle adopted. I have the honor to be, sir, with the highest consideration, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, THEO. S. FAY. Secretary of State of the United States of America. Mr. Fay's parting remarks to the president of the Swiss confederation. Mr. PRESIDENT. I have the honor to hand to your excellency my letter of recall, and to present my estimable successor, against whom I have only one objection that he will, I am afraid, perform the duties of his office better than I have done. I am instructed by the President of the United States on this occasion to repeat his sincere desire to continue to cultivate with you relations of the closest friendship. I resigned my appointment as minister in Switzerland, not that I had any power or right to retain it contrary to the President's wish, but I thought it my duty, from certain considerations. This course was not induced by any discontent with Switzerland. On the contrary, I admire and love Switzerland. In my official transactions with the government, and with the different members of it, I have always found good sense and loyauté, and my private intercourse with the nation has caused it to rise always more in my esteem. I have been struck with the pure administration of justice, the universal love of country, the modest and yet effective character of the governments, and with the liberty of conscience asserted by superior authorities, even where embarrassed by local, contrary influences. Switzerland is peculiarly blessed by the Almighty, and she has it in her power, under Him, to be the happiest country in the world. Your free development in your present form is a necessity for Europe. Neither has my resignation resulted from difference of opinion with the President of the United States. Our country is now occupied in a struggle with an institution as unmanageable as the hydra of Hercules. It is not my wish to misrepresent the proprietors of slaves. Many of them are sincere, Christian gentlemen. But the institution in its present form is irreconcilable with our national existence, with the religious sentiment of the majority, and with the Word of God. Nothing can be clearer than the right and duty of the American people to protect themselves from its uncontrolled development, and from being drawn downwards in their career of political and religious civilization. Man should not live by bread alone, nor by cotton alone. The election of President Lincoln is the expression of this sentiment. The struggle in which he is engaged is one of light with darkness. Every Christian government in the world must be on his side, for he represents humanity, liberty, civilization, and religion. He represents also the principle of rational, popular government, and his course thus far has given reason to believe that he has been raised up by God to steer our nation through this tempest, by a union of moderation with energy, and of rapid decision with patient mercy and calm wisdom, if no encouragement from without be offered to the insurrection. No one who prefers good to evil would place an obstacle in his path. The movement of certain southern States-not to say persons-represents not only rebellion against a Constitution and laws framed or freely accepted by themselves, but negro slavery and the African slave trade as one of its inevitable consequences. It represents also one of the greatest crimes recorded in history-a black, secret, long-matured, treacherous conspiracy, extending its ramifications into European countries, which, among other objects, aimed at the conquest of Cuba, Mexico, and Brazil, as the basis of a great, despotic, and African slave-trade empire, and which, by the mercy of God, must be shipwrecked against the steady firmness of the President, the honesty, the patriotism, and the religious sentiment of the American people. You will judge, Mr. President; also your government and your people; Europe and history will also judge how far any government, nation, or public press, can, consistently with its character, approve or in any way encourage such an enterprise, unless ignorant of its true nature. I have no doubt this insurrection, although it has reached such proportions, will be suppressed. We have the power, the right, and the will to suppress it. It is not a war between two powers entitled to equal international rights, any more than the rebellion in India was an international war. It is an insurrection, and nothing more, and one of the most unreasonable and unjust which the world has ever seen. The American Union, carried out according to its original intentions, offers to rapidly increasing millions material prosperity, political and religious liberty. It is a blessing for mankind; whereas the rise of a southern empire, built on such foundations, and aiming at such designs, could not but be a misfortune for itself and for all the world. It is one of the signs of our times that error not only boldly raises its head, but that it invites, with effrontery, the assistance of others, and sometimes receives encouragement from quarters where it would least be expected. I here in no way allude to the declarations of neutrality lately proclaimed by two great powers, but to opinions expressed by several journals. The declarations of neutrality have been prematurely considered unfriendly acts by a portion of my countrymen. They ought not to be so taken, unless applied in an unfriendly manner; and I have no fear that either of these enlightened and friendly governments would encourage the southern movement by receiving its representatives or suffering its marine prizes to be sold in their ports; and neither do I fear, Mr. President, that the government of Switzerland, which has always on such occasions proved itself wise and just, would ever throw its weight into the scale of insane revolution, and of negro slavery disengaged from all restraint, and of the African slave trade, by receiving any representative of that portion of our States. In concluding, Mr. President, I have the honor to bid you farewell, and, in your person, to your estimable colleagues and to your free, well-conducted, and happy country. May it never forget whence this blessing comes, and what hand is indispensable for its continued preservation! May your lakes and mountains-the admiration of the world-ever represent, as they do now, peace, prosperity, prudence in foreign policy, and, at home, Christian liberty! Mr. Fogg's address to the President. Mr. PRESIDENT: The just and lucid statement of the present condition and prospects of the United States made by my honored predecessor and friend. leaves for myself little more than the agreeable duty of reaffirming what he has so well said. There are crises in the lives of nations as well as of individuals. Swit zerland has had her crises. Times almost without number her brave mountaineers have been called to arms to put down sedition at home and repel the invaders from abroad. Thanks to the God of liberty, they have always triumphed, and the land of Tell is still the home of the free. The United States has had her crises. In her infancy, when Washington led her brave sons to maintain her right to be one of the nations of the earth, then was her crisis. Her second great crisis is now, when a despotic institution raises the standard of intestine war, and appeals to foreign governments for sympathy and aid to break down freedom and free institutions in America. This crisis, like yours, shall be decided for liberty, and America, too, shall remain the land of the free. The cloud which is now charged with destruction will soon be dispersed, and be followed by the sunshine of a purer and broader realization of the rights of mankind. I am instructed to assure your excellency of the cordial good wishes of the President of the United States, and of his desire to cultivate and strengthen those relations of amity and sympathy which have always subsisted and ought always to subsist between governments whose political institutions are so nearly alike In conclusion, let me say to your excellency and your associates that it will be my highest ambition during my residence in your country to so discharge all my duties that, while jealously guarding the interests and rights of American citizens, I may deserve the confidence and enjoy the personal friendship of all the members of your government. Should I be as fortunate in these respects as my predecessor has been, my highest hopes will be gratified. President Knuesel's reply. The Swiss confederation has always taken a lively interest in everything concerning the great sister republic beyond the Atlantic. How could it be otherwise? The similarity of the democratic federative institutions, the independence and liberty which both enjoy, and which they had to obtain by force of arms, has necessarily led to a mutual approach, however great the distance be which separates the old world from the new. In this may be found, perhaps, a principal reason why for a long series of years numer ous Swiss families emigrated to the United States, where they sought and found a new home, and why the names of Swiss cantons and towns are now to be found where for thousands of years uncultivated and unpopulated forests and prairies existed. The intercourse between the two nations has since steadily increased; the produce of one country finds its market in the other, and numerous points of connexion develop themselves ever more and more. This harmony of political principles, sympathies, and interests has for its consequence a steadily increasing approach of both nations, which has already on different occasions shown itself by marks of mutual cordiality. Names like that of William Tell, so dear to Switzerland, were given to sea vessels by citizens of the United States. The federal council responded to that salutation by hoisting the Swiss flag on the mainmast of those ships. To the colossal monument which the United States erected in memory of their liberator, the immortal Washington, Switzerland has contributed a stone with an inscription. Many more similar marks of mutual esteem might be enumerated; suffice it to add the remark that a treaty of friendship and commerce, concluded a few years ago, has but strengthened the relations between the two countries. Switzerland, from the sincere sympathy which she has for the welfare of the Union, looks with anxiety upon the issue of the events which now shake that country. Switzerland passed through a similar crisis fourteen years ago, which threatened to tear asunder the then loose connexion of the twenty-two cantons. But renewed rose the present confederation from that tempest; strengthened internally and abroad, she now stands there, esteemed by the nations. May God grant that the connexion of the States of the United States of America may also emerge renewed and strengthened out of this crisis. The president of the Swiss confederation presents his best thanks, through your excellency, to the President of the United States for his assurances of friendship and sympathy. He hopes that the new minister resident will thoroughly acquaint himself with our relations and laws. That would render the more possible for him a strict performance of his duties; the protection of the rights and interests of American citizens, and the preservation of a good and ever friendly understanding with the Swiss government, which wishes to unite loyauté with their maintenance of authority. The President of the confederation may add that he thinks the retiring minister resident has learned to esteem Switzerland, her authorities and nation, and he may give to Mr. Fay the plain assurance that he has acquired the esteem and the love of the country and her magistrates. The President of the confederation doubts not a moment that the relations between the federal council and the present representative of America will always be of the most friendly character. No. 1.] Mr. Fogg to Mr. Seward. UNITED STATES LEGATION, SIR: Leaving New York for my post of duty on the steamer " Adriatic," the 14th day of May, I reached Berne via Galway, London, and Paris, June 27, having previously ascertained by correspondence with my predecessor that it would be agreeable to him for me to take possession of the office, legation property, &c., the 1st day of July. Making it my first duty, after arriving, to call on Mr. Fay at his house, I was received with the utmost frankness and cordiality, and with the offer of every facility to render my entrance upon my new duties pleasant to myself and favorable to the non-interruption of that entente cordiale, now and for years past so happily existing between the American legation and the several members of the Swiss government. Mr. Fay very kindly undertook to notify the president of the confederation of my arrival, and ask an audience to enable him to present his own letter of recall, and myself and my letter of credence on the Monday following. Having received promise of an audience on the day named, Mr. Fay called with his carriage, and we went together to the palace of the federal council. The sequel has been narrated and transmitted to the State Department by Mr. Fay in his despatch numbered 431, dated July 2, 1861. Subsequently we called upon the other members of the Swiss government and upon the foreign ambassadors resident at Berne, to all of whom I was kindly introduced, and by all of whom as cordially received-not without uniform, and, I am sure I may add, sincere expressions of regret at the termination of Mr. Fay's official relations with the government and the diplomatic corps. During our entire round of visits and presentations it was painfully pleasing to be constantly reminded of the profound interest with which the Ex. Doc. 1-22 contest now going on in the United States, between liberty and union on the one hand, and despotism and secession on the other, is watched alike by the friends of republicanism and of absolutism. Here, however, the rebels have no friends-not even among the representatives of absolutism in Europe. On all sides, the sanguine assurances I have felt at liberty to give of the certain triumph of our system and constitution of government over the conspirators for its overthrow, has seemed to give unalloyed satisfaction. That the future may justify these my assurances, will be my constant prayer, with that of millions in other lands. I should not do justice to my own feelings did I omit to say that I have found Mr. Fay a true Christian gentleman, and an American whose heart has, by absence, lost none of its devotion to the liberties and good name of his native land. Thoroughly sympathizing with the principles and purposes of the present administration of the United States government, and possessing large experience and an enviable reputation in Europe, I trust it may not be deemed impertinent in me to express the hope that the State Department will not be a long time in finding some field where his familiarity with international and diplomatic affairs will be a necessity to the govern ment. With an ardent desire for the preservation of the free spirit of our government and the integrity of our national Union, I have the honor to subscribe myself, with the highest consideration, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, GEORGE G. FOGG. Secretary of State of the United States of America. No. 6.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Fogg. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 29, 1861. SIR: Mr. Fay's despatch of July 2 (No. 431) has been duly received. The account he has given us of his retirement and your entrance upon the mission, as also the sentiments expressed by him and by yourself to the president of the republic, and the reply of that eminent magistrate, are exceedingly interesting. The President of the United States appreciates very highly the liberal and friendly feelings of the Swiss republic, and derives from them new motives to maintain relations so auspiciously established. SIR: Your despatch No. 1, dated 8th July last, has been received. Your account of your interview with Mr. Fay, and of the circumstances of the audience granted you by the government of the republic of Switzerland, is |