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Mr. Murphy to the Minister for Foreign Affairs.

THE HAGUE, April 8, 1861. The undersigned, minister resident of the United States of America, has the honor to address his excellency Baron Van Zuylen Van Nijevelt, minister of foreign affairs of his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, on the subject of the present complication of the internal political affairs of the United States, and, for the better understanding of the views of his government in relation thereto, to invite the attention of his excellency to the accompanying address of the President on assuming the administration of the federal Union. His excellency will find therein a statement of the alleged grievances, of the revolutionary nature of the proceedings of a number of the States of the Union which have attempted to secede and have formed a provisional government of their own, and of the line of policy which the government of the Union will pursue for the purpose of preserving peace and for the maintenance of the Union.

The undersigned will further remark, in explanation of this statement of the President in regard to the character of the secession movement, that the government of the United States is not simply a confederation, but a union, which has been invested by the people of the different States, acting in their original sovereign capacity, with certain powers, which are exclusive and paramount throughout the republic, such as the making of war and peace, the regulation of commerce, whether between the States thenselves or with foreign nations, the establishment of post offices and post roads, the defining and punishing piracies and felonies on the high seas, the maintenance of a navy, and the laying and collecting taxes and duties for the common defence and welfare, besides various others entirely of a domestic bearing, but all operating on all the States and the citizens thereof as one people. In other words, in all that concerns the foreign relations of the several States, as well as in many details of internal regulation, the United States are as much a consolidated government as the kingdom of the Netherlands, with its provincial divisions and assemblies-the only difference being, that in the United States all powers not granted to the federal government are reserved to the States and the people, and, consequently, original and more extensive powers are exercised by the legislatures of the several States. Any attempt, therefore, on the part of any State or number of States, or of any section of a State, to interfere with the exercise of the powers conferred on the general government by the Constitution is revolutionary; and any pretended or actual exercise of like powers by them is an usurpation.

The condition of affairs now existing in the United States is altogether of an anomalous character, arising from the principles upon which the government is founded. Those principles acknowledge the right of self-government in the people, and the exercise of perfect freedom of speech, of assemblage, and of the press. A majority of the electors, in the manner and under the forms prescribed by the Constitution, elect the President, and thus give administrative vitality to the government. In the canvass preceding the election, which takes place every four years, discussions of subjects of vital interest to the country are carried on in the press and on the stump with such effect that, although the voting body comprises over three millions of persons, probably not five per cent. of the whole number fail to vote on such occasions. Popular passion is aroused, every motive is appealed to by the rival parties, and, when a conclusion is reached, there is oftentimes a feeling of disappointment on the part of the minority. But this

feeling has never heretofore interfered with their loyal submission to the will of the majority. In the recent canvass, the questions connected with the institution of slavery were almost exclusively agitated, principally in regard to its extension into the Territories, or, as it might be termed in this country, the lands of the generality. The decision of the people has been adverse to such extension, but altogether by the votes of the non-slaveholding States. Advantage has been taken of this circumstance by designing men to make the minority, or rather that portion of it residing in the slaveholding States, believe that their constitutional rights, in regard to that species of property known as slaves, were in danger of being destroyed by the majority. The fear of such a consequence is groundless; but, acting upon such apprehensions, the people of the seceding States have precipitated themselves into their present position.

No complaint has been made in any quarter of any improper act of the general government, or of any violation by it of its powers, or of the rights of slaveholders, as a ground for the existing discontent. The evils are anticipatory only, so far as the action of the general government is concerned. On the other hand it is true that, notwithstanding the apprehensions and fears which have been excited in the bosoms of a portion of the American people in regard to the policy of the government, and the steps which have been taken by them for the formation of an independent government, it is not to be doubted that the great majority of the people of those seceding States still cherish a love for the Union of their fathers, its memories, its prestige, and its blessings. Independent of this fact, the permanent dismemberment of the Union is fraught with so much evil to them, as well as to the country at large, as to justify the belief that a calm view of the consequences, combined with their patriotism, will cause them to retrace their steps. A separate government on their part entails the necessity not only of an entire new corps of officers of government, but also of a standing army where none now is necessary, of an independent navy, of a cordon of revenue officers along an extensive coast and frontier line; all attended with heavy expense and increased taxes. These consequences, and the severance of family ties and brotherhood existing between individuals residing in different States, are to come home to them when passion and delusion shall have passed away; and when they shall discover, as discover they will, that the general government entertains no designs against their peace or property, but on the other hand will, as it is bound to do, defend both.

The undersigned would also impress upom the government of his Majesty the fact that no one questions the election of the President according to the provisions of the Constitution. He is the choice of the country, and is fairly entitled to the exercise of all the powers conferred upon the executive head of the federal government by the Constitution. Every citizen within every State is bound to obedience to his lawful authority. It is the sworn duty of the President to administer faithfully the Constitution and laws of the United States, and the obligation of every citizen and individual is perfect to uphold and sustain him in its performance. But the President will seek by a just and liberal administration, and by a paternal regard for the rights and feelings of all sections of the country, to give occasion and opportunity for the deliberate and loyal action of the people. It is under these circumstances that the President entertains the fullest confidence in the restoration of the harmony and unity of the government at no very distant day.

The friendship and good will which his Majesty the King of the Netherlands has always manifested towards the United States, the President regards as an assurance that his Majesty's government will not yield to solicitations to intervene in any unfriendly way in the domestic affairs of the United States. It is evident that any encouragement to disaffection

from abroad would thwart the efforts of the President for a reconciliation and defeat his just expectations in that regard. It is a question, moreover, which involves important interests to all nations with which the United States are in commercial relation, and to all constitutional governments. The form of government which the people of the United States have adopted is one which experience has proven is best adapted for the peace and protection of the States, for the welfare of the people, and for the development of the enterprise and resources of its vast territory. Nor has its influence, it is believed, been without its salutary effect upon the fatherlands, whence that population has originally sprung.

It has, however, been a government of example only as to other nations, and has steadily pursued the policy of not interfering with their internal affairs. Under it close commercial relations have sprung up, particularly with all the western powers of Europe, and with the kingdom of the Netherlands have never for a moment-now more than three-fourths of a century-been interrupted. If at present there happen some inconveniences to the trading interests of the subjects of his Majesty, it will be the endeavor of the President to render them as light and transient as possible; and should any injury be sustained therefrom by the subjects of his Majesty, the President is determined, the undersigned is instructed to say, that they shall, so far as it may rest with him, be amply indemnified. Should a state of civil war be precipitated, by any cause whatever, those inconveniences would be turned into evils of a wide-spread and disastrous character to other nations. Not only would the channels of commerce be closed, or, at least, seriously interrupted, and the agricultural and mining products of the United States, many of which have become necessary for other nations, be withheld; but the political systems of Europe and the cause of well regulated and constitutional government would suffer everywhere. A state of anarchy must ensue if the revolution be pursued. It is not to be expected that an empire of thirty-one millions of souls can be broken up, and the glories and blessings of its free government be thrown away at the behest of six millions, one-half of whom only are of the white race. The policy hitherto has been, on the part of the general government, and will continue to be, to avert such a calamity; and in asking the non-intervention of friendly nations, while it pursues a course of peace itself, it demands, it is confidently believed, what is most consistent with the cause of humanity and good government everywhere. And to no power is this caution addressed with more confidence than to his Majesty the King of the Netherlands.

The undersigned embraces this occasion to renew to his excellency Baron Van Zuylen Van Nijevelt the assurance of his high consideration. HENRY C. MURPHY.

Mr. Murphy to Mr. Seward.

No. 55.]

THE HAGUE, April 30, 1861.

SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you hereunto annexed a copy of the reply of the minister of foreign affairs to my note addressed to him on the 8th instant, of which a copy was transmitted to you with my despatch, No. 53, of the 10th instant. After reciting very particularly the contents of that note, and expressing the regrets of his Majesty at the posture of our affairs and his hope that the difficulties will be surmounted, the minister concl in these words:

"The undersigned, in acquitting himself of the orders of the King, has the honor to bring at the same time to the knowledge of Mr. Murphy that, already in the month of December last, the cnvoy of the King at Washington had recommended to the Dutch consuls in the United States to abstain from all intervention in the political affairs of the country within their jurisdiction, and that this requirement has been approved by the government of the Netherlands."

If the note required an answer at this time, it certainly should have received something more to the point than this paragraph. I apprehend, however, that this government will say nothing in regard to the recognition of the independence of the seceding States until the great powers of Europe have taken their ground, and that it will follow them if they be in accord. I have also the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch No. 39, with the gold medal for Captain Van Albuy, of the Dutch bark Hendrica. I have, in accordance with your direction, transmitted the medal to the minister of foreign affairs, with a request that it be presented to Captain Van Albuy in the name of the President.

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The undersigned, minister for foreign affairs, has had the honor to receive the note which Mr. Murphy, minister resident of the United States of America, has pleased to address to him on the subject of the existing complications of political affairs in the United States; the said note being accompanied, for the better understanding of the views of his government, by the address delivered by his excellency the President on assuming the administration of the federal Union.

In calling, by his note, the attention of the undersigned to the exposition contained in the address of the wrongs alleged by some States of the Union, of their proceedings to attempt a separation, and the formation of a separated provisional government, as well as on the line of conduct which the federal government proposes to follow for the purpose of preserving peace and upholding the Union, Mr. Murphy further remarks, in explaining this part of the President's address, upon the character of the secessional movement, that the government of the United States is not merely a confederation but a Union, invested by the people of the different States with powers, exclusive and controllng throughout the republic-powers which, embracing the foreign relations and numerous details of domestic interest, operate over all the States and over their citizens collectively, so that, adds the note, any attempt of any State, of a number of States, or of any part of a State, to interrupt the exercise of the powers confided to the general government is revolutionary; and any exercise, pretended or real on their part, of like powers, is usurpation.

After having enunciated these principles as the basis of the general government, and pointed out the mode established for the election of President, the minister resident enters into some details about the recent election of the actual President; the result is, that on former elections the will of the

majority has been loyally submitted to, but that this example has not been followed by the minority in respect to Mr. Lincoln, whose election, furthermore, is in nowise contested in regard of its constitutional validity. This fact the said note attributes to apprehensions entertained in the slave States that a blow might be aimed at this portion of their property-apprehensions which nothing in the intentions of the general government justify, but which have prepared the way upon which those States have rushed.

Nevertheless and despite the fears excited among a noticeable portion of the American people, notwithstanding the attempt made to form an independent government, the government of the United States is persuaded, according to the note, that the great majority of the people in the separatist States will constantly preserve its regard for the Union of their fathers, their memory, their influence, and their greatness. But, independently of this fact, the mischiefs and disadvantages which a permanent dismemberment of the Union would draw, as well upon the separating States as upon the country generally, justifies the expectation that upon a calm review of the circumstances they will come back upon a better track.

The President, flattering himself that he will see the harmony and unity of the government soon established, and relying on the friendship and good understanding existing between the two countries, expresses through the channel of Mr. Murphy his confidence that his Majesty the King of the Netherlands will not lend himself to applications for interference in the domestic affairs of the United States, unless in an amicable and conciliatory sense, nor to any encouragement whatever of the disaffected, which would only counteract the efforts of the President to bring about a reconciliation. Finally, Mr. Murphy wishes to give assurance that the President will strongly endeavor to lessen as much as possible the inconveniences which must result to commerce from the actual condition of things, and that he proposes to indemnify the injury which the subjects of his Majesty may suf fer as far as may depend upon him.

The undersigned having placed the above-mentioned note before the King, his Majesty was particularly grieved by its contents. He has charged me to signify this to the minister resident, adding that if he deeply deplores the situation in which the United States are for the moment placed, nevertheless he has been happy to witness the confidence which the government expresses of being able to surmount existing difficulties; that he entertains the most sincere wishes for the success of the efforts which will be made for the purpose of saving and preserving not only the interests of the States of the Union, but also the interests of the political and commercial world in general.

The undersigned, in acquitting himself of these orders by these presents, has the honor at the same time to bring to Mr. Murphy's knowledge that, so long ago as the month of December, the King's envoy at Washington directed the consuls of the Netherlands in the United States to abstain from any interference whatever in political affairs in the districts of the consular offices, and that this prescription was approved afterwards by the government of the Netherlands.

The undersigned seizes this occasion to reiterate to Mr. Murphy the assu rances of his high consideration.

DE ZUYLEN DE NIJEVELT.

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