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meet the views and be deemed desirable by the government of his Majesty the King of Prussia.

The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to assure your excellency of his high and distinguished consideration.

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SIR: Mr. Wright's despatch, No. 177, dated June 22, was duly received. Baron Gerolt has handed to me a copy of the instruction from his government, to which Mr. Wright refers. I have acknowledged the tenor of that paper as not unacceptable, but I agree with Mr. Wright in thinking it desirable that the strongest possible expressions be obtained from Prussia for their moral effect.

Our army on the Potomac encountered a reverse on the 21st, which, for the moment, produced a shock; but the evil effects of the disaster have already passed away, while a more vigorous and determined resolution exists now than ever to strengthen and preserve the Union.

We have put all the candidates recommended to us by Baron Schleinitz into military employment.

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SIR: Your despatch of July 24, No. 3, has been received. Your conduct in relation to the subject of negotiations for a convention with the government of Prussia on the subject of the rights of neutrals in maritime war, as referred to in that paper, is approved.

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I am, sir, your obedient servant,

NORMAN B. JUDD, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Ex. Doc. 1-4

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Since my written communication to Baron Von Schleinitz on the subject of the maritime treaty, a copy of which was sent to the State Department in my despatch No. 4, I have not heard from this government directly upon the subject; but Baron Von Mohrenheim, of the Russian legation, informs me that, in conversation with Baron Von Schleinitz, the latter expressed the opinion that the object sought by the United States could be attained by a simple adhesion on its part to the articles of the Paris treaty, and that there was no necessity for a formal and separate treaty. I also learned from Baron Von Mohrenheim that the Russian government inclined to the same opinion. My conversations with the members of the diplomatic corps here have convinced me that they are not only thoroughly advised of the views and action of their own governments in this matter, but that every step taken by any government interested is promptly communicated, so that each representative is fully advised of the condition of the question with all the governments, and that there is concerted action, with England at the head.

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I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Hon. W. H. SEWARD,

N. B. JUDD.

Secretary of State.

Mr. Judd to Mr. Seward.

[Extract.]

No. 10.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Berlin, October 10, 1861.

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch (No. 14) bearing date September 21, 1861. Since my communication to the foreign office here in relation to the maritime treaty, a copy of which accompanied despatch No. 4, from this legation, I have no word or note from the Prussian government on the subject.

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I have the honor to be, respectfully, your obedient servant,

Hon. W. H. SEWARD,

Secretary of Stale, Washington, D. C.

N. B. JUDD.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Judd.

No. 16.]

DEPARTMENT OF State, Washington, October 21, 1861. SIR: Your despatch of September 24 (No. 8) has been received. It treats of many matters interesting, though not of chief importance. Your proceedings in regard to them are approved. Disunion, by surprise and impetuous passion, took the first successes, and profited by them to make public opinion in Europe. Union comes forward more slowly, but with greater and more enduring vigor. This nation, like every other, in the present as in all other cases, stands by its own strength. Other powers will respect it so long as it exhibits its ability to defend and save itself. More, perhaps, ought not to be wished; certainly it could not be reasonably expected.

I am, &c.,

N. B JUDD, Esq.,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

&c., &c., &c., Berlin.

BELGIUM.

No. 2.]

Mr. Seward to Mr. Sanford.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, March 26, 1861.

SIR: Having spent the winter in Washington, you need not be informed of the attempts of a misguided party of citizens in several of the southern States, not unattended with violence and spoliation, to dismember the federal republic, and of their scheme to organize several of the States in a new revolutionary government, under the name of the Confederate States of America. Formidable as this conspiracy seemed at the beginning, it is now confidently believed that the policy of the present administration in regard to it will be supported by the people--a policy of conciliationr forbearance, and firmness-and that the conspiracy will thus fail for want of ultimate adoption by the States themselves which are expected to constitute the new confederacy. Aware of this danger, the movers in that desperate and destructive enterprise are now understood to be making every effort to gain external advantage by appeals to prejudice or supposed interest in foreign nations for a recognition of the independence of the proposed new confederacy.

Under these circumstances the most important duty of the diplomatic representatives of the United States in Europe will be to counteract by all proper means the efforts of the agents of that projected confederacy at their respective courts. It was your extensive. acquaintance on the continent, taken in connexion with your activity and energy here, which induced the President to confer upon you the appointment of minister resident in Belgium.

The general considerations to be urged against such a recognition will be found in the inaugural address of the President, delivered on the 4th of March instant, and in a circular letter despatched by me on the 9th instant to our ministers, an original part of which will be found in the archives of your legation. For your present convenience I enclose a copy of this circular letter.

The President, confident of the ultimate ascendancy of law, order, and the Union, through the deliberate action of the people in constitutional forms, does not expect you to engage in any discussion which the agents of the disunionists may attempt to initiate on the merits of their proposed revolution. He will not consent, directly or indirectly, to the interpellation of any foreign power in a controversy which is merely a domestic one.

There is some reason to suppose that the agents of the disunionists will attempt to win favor for their scheme of recognition by affecting to sympathize with the manufacturing interests of the European nations in their discontent with the tariff laws of the United States, and by promising to receive the fabrics of such nations on more favorable terms. You will be able to reply to such seductions as these that the new tariff laws thus complained of are revenue laws deemed by the legislature of the United States necessary under new and peculiar circumstances; that all experience shows

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