humane and beneficent. Her success in this career requires peace throughout the civilized world, and nowhere so much as on this continent. Recognition by her of the so-called Confederate States would be intervention and war in this country. Permanent dismemberment of the American Union in consequence of that intervention would be perpetual war-civil war. The new confederacy which in that case Great Britain would have aided into existence must, like any other new state, seek to expand itself northward, westward, and southward. What part of this continent or of the adjacent islands would be expected to remain in peace? The President would regard it as inconsistent with his habitually high consideration for the government and people of Great Britain to allow me to dwell longer on the merely commercial aspects of the question under discussion. Indeed he will not for a moment believe that, upon consideration of merely financial gain, that government could be induced to lend its aid to a revolution designed to overthrow the institutions of this country, and involving ultimately the destruction of the liberties of the American people. To recognize the independence of a new state, and so favor, possibly determine, its admission into the family of nations, is the highest possible exercise of sovereign power, because it affects in any case the welfare of two nations, and often the peace of the world. In the European system this power is now seldom attempted to be exercised without invoking a consultation or congress of nations. That system has not been extended to this continent. But there is even a greater necessity for prudence in such cases in regard to American States than in regard to the nations of Europe. A revolutionary change of dynasty, or even a disorganization and recombination of one or many States, therefore, do not long or deeply affect the general interests of society, because the ways of trade and habits of society remain the same. But a radical change effected in the political combinations existing on the continent, followed, as it probably would be, by moral convulsions of incalculable magnitude, would threaten the stability of society throughout the world. Humanity has indeed little to hope for if it shall, in this age of high improvement, be decided without a trial that the principle of international law which regards nations as moral persons, bound so to act as to do to each other the least injury and the most good, is merely an abstraction too refined to be reduced into practice by the enlightened nations of Western Europe. Seen in the light of this principle, the several nations of the earth constitute one great federal republic. When one of them casts its suffrages for the admission of a new member into that republic, it ought to act under a profound sense of moral obligation, and be governed by considerations as pure, disinterested, and elevated as the general interest of society and the advancement of human nature. The British empire itself is an aggregation of divers communities which cover a large portion of the earth and embrace one-fifth of its entire population. Some, at least, of these communities are held to their places in that system by bonds as fragile as the obligations of our own federal Union. The strain will some time come which is to try the strength of these bonds, though it will be of a different kind from that which is trying the cords of our confederation. Would it be wise for her Majesty's government, on this occasion, to set a dangerous precedent, or provoke retaliation? If Scotland and Ireland are at last reduced to quiet contentment, has Great Britain no dependency, island, or province left exposed along the whole circle of her empire, from Gibraltar through the West Indies and Canada till it begins again on the southern extremity of Africa? The President will not dwell on the pleasing recollection that Great Britain, not yet a year ago, manifested by marked attention to the United States her desire for a cordial reunion which, all ancient prejudices and passions being buried, should be a pledge of mutual interest and sympathy forever thereafter. The United States are not indifferent to the circumstances of common descent, language, customs, sentiments, and religion, which recommend a closer sympathy between themselves and Great Britain than either might expect in its intercourse with any other nation. The United States are one of many nations which have sprung from Great Britain herself. Other such nations are rising up in various parts of the globe. It has been thought by many who have studied the philosophy of modern history profoundly, that the success of the nations thus deriving their descent from Great Britain might, through many ages, reflect back upon that kingdom the proper glories of its own great career. The government and people of Great Britain may mistake their commercial interests, but they cannot become either unnatural or indifferent to the impulses of an undying ambition to be distinguished as the leaders of the nations in the ways of civilization and humanity. I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Dallas to Mr. Seward. [Extracts.] No. 325.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have recently had the honor to receive your despatches, numbered 304 and 305. Having noticed that the despatch No. 304, bearing date the 28th of February, respecting the newly-formed confederacy of seceded States, was in harmony as well with the views enunciated in the inaugural address on the 4th instant as with those of the presidential message of December last, I lost no time in seeking an interview with her Majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, and in stating the opposition which I am in that despatch instructed to make to any recognition by the Queen of England of the independence of those who have thus attempted to throw off their federal obligations. The necessary opportunity was accorded to me on the day after the receipt of the despatch, yesterday. Lord John Russell then listened to the communication as one he expected; though on its purport the British cabinet, if they had interchanged opinions at all, had reached no definite conclusion as to their proper course of action. I took the liberty to inquire whether any one professing to represent the southern republic had approached this government on the subject, and his lordship, with prompt frankness, assured me that he felt no hesitation in answering in the negative, adding that he had been shown a private letter from which he inferred that accredited ministers or commissioners, authorized to negotiate for the recognition, would shortly be sent by the provisional authorities of Montgomery. I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, The Hon. the SECRETARY OF STATE, Washington. Mr. Dallas to Mr. Seward. [Extract.] No. 329.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, London, April 5, 1861. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatches, numbered 306 and 307, and a circular, dated the 9th of March, 1861, respecting the probable efforts of persons claiming to represent a southern provisional government to obtain the recognition of their independence by Great Britain. Respecting this last-mentioned subject, I addressed yesterday, as soon as your instruction was received, a note to her Majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs requesting an early interview, deeming it not impossible that I might be enabled to send you something by this steamer. My note, however, is yet unanswered, owing, I presume, to the absence of Lord John Russell from town. The commissioners from the new confederacy have not yet arrived, and may not arrive until late in this month. You were apprised by my despatch of the 22d ultimo (No. 325) that, on the receipt from the department of your predecessors, No. 304, I had lost no time in placing the matter properly before this government. Your own views will be communicated in greater fullness when the opportunity is allowed me. * * * * * I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, The Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State * * G. M. DALLAS. Mr. Dallas to Mr. Seward. No. 330.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: Referring to my despatch of the 5th instant, (No. 329,) I have now the honor to state that Lord John Russell accorded me an interview at the foreign office yesterday, and enabled me to submit fully to his consideration the representations of your circular, with the inaugural address of the President. We conversed for some time on the question of recognizing the alleged southern confederacy, of which no representative has yet appeared, and may not appear until the end of the month. His lordship assured me with great earnestness that there was not the slightest disposition in the British government to grasp at any advantage which might be supposed to arise from the unpleasant domestic differences in the United States, but, on the contrary, that they would be highly gratified if those differences were adjusted and the Union restored to its former unbroken position. I pressed upon him, in concluding, if that were the case-and I was quite convinced that it was-how important it must be that this country and France should abstain, at least for a considerable time, from doing what, by encouraging groundless hopes, would widen a breach still thought capable of being closed. He seemed to think the matter not ripe for decision one way or the other, Ex. Doc. 1-6 and remarked that what he had said was all that at present it was in his power to say. The coming of my successor, Mr. Adams, looked for from week to week, would doubtless be regarded as the appropriate and natural occasion for finally discussing and determining the question. In the intermediate time whatever of vigilance and activity may be necessary shall, of course, and as a high duty, be exerted. English opinion tends rather, I apprehend, to the theory that a peaceful separation may work beneficially for both groups of States and not injuriously affect the rest of the world. They cannot be expected to appreciate the weakness, discredit, complications, and dangers which we instinctively and justly ascribe to disunion. I beg to add that a phase of this subject will be introduced in the House of Commons to-night by Lord Alfred Churchill, and that on the 15th instant a motion favoring the recognition will be pressed by Mr. W. H. Gregory, member for Galway. I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, Middleton's estate.-Standing order No. 141 to be considered, in order to its being dispensed with, on the petition for a private bill. Lunacy regulation bill.--Committee. Queensland government bill.--Committee. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Tuesday, April 9. NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Lord STANLEY.-To ask the under secretary of state for war what steps have been or are being taken to abolish purchase in the army above the rank of major, as recommended by the commission of 1856. Lord ALFRED CHURCHILL.-To ask the secretary of state for foreign affairs whether it is the intention of her Majesty's government to recognize the Confederate States of America without a guarantee that the flag of that confederation shall not be made subservient to the slave trade, and whether it is the intention of her Majesty's government to invite a conference of the European powers on the subject, so as to prevent the African slave trade being reopened or carried on under the flag of the said confederation. No. 4.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 27, 1861. SIR: A despatch has just been received from Mr. Dallas, dated the 9th of April instant, the record of which (No. 330) you doubtless will find in the archives of the legation when you shall have arrived at London. In that paper Mr. Dallas states that he had had a conversation with Lord John Russell, the minister of foreign affairs of her Britannic Majesty's government, on the subject of a protest against any recognition of the so-called Confederate States of America, the protest having been presented to him by Mr. Dallas, in obedience to a circular letter of instructions sent to him from this department, under the date of the 9th ultimo. Mr. Dallas represents that his lordship assured him, with great earnestness, that there was not the slightest disposition in the British government to grasp at any advantage which might be supposed to arise from the unpleasant domestic differences in the United States; but, on the contrary, that they would be highly gratified if those differences were adjusted, and the Union restored to its former unbroken position. This, by itself, would be very gratifying to the President. Mr. Dallas, however, adds that he endeavored to impress upon his lordship how important it must be that Great Britain and France should abstain, at least for a considerable time, from doing what, by encouraging groundless hopes, would widen a breach still thought capable of being closed; but that his lordshid seemed to think the matter not ripe for decision one way or the other, and remarked that what he had already said was all that at present it was in his power to say. When you shall have read the instructions at large which have been sent to you, you will hardly need to be told that these last remarks of his lordship are by no means satisfactory to this government. Her Britannic Majesty's government is at liberty to choose whether it will retain the friendship of this government by refusing all aid and comfort to its enemies, now in flagrant rebellion against it, as we think the treaties existing between the two countries require, or whether the government of her Majesty will take the precarious benefits of a different course. You will lose no time in making known to her Britannic Majesty's government that the President regards the answer of his lordship as possibly indicating a policy that this government would be obliged to deem injurious to its rights and derogating from its dignity. I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, C. F. ADAMS, Esq., WILLIAM H. SEWARD. &c., &c., &c. Mr. Dallas to Mr. Seward. No. 333.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: In my No. 329 I mentioned having received your Nos. 306 and 307, and "a circular of the 9th of March, 1861." As I have got no despatch from you, numbered 308, it is probable that this "circular" was considered at the department as representing that number in the series. I have now to acknowledge your several despatches, numbered, respectively, 309, 310, 311, and 312, whose contents have had my careful and prompt attention. You have doubtless noticed that the motion of Mr. Gregory, in the House of Commons, on the recognition of the southern confederation-which motion I mentioned at the conclusion of my No. 330-underwent postponement from the 16th to the 30th ultimo, and has again been deferred a fortnight, for the reasons stated in the extract from the "Times" newspaper of the 30th April, hereto annexed. |