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FOREIGN HISTORY.

CHAPTER I.

FRANCE.

Position of France-Threatened Conflict between the Chambers-M. Jules Simon's Measures-Census of the Population of Paris-Difficulties of Parliamentary Go. vernment in France-Death of General Changarnier-M. Jules Simon's PolicyThe President's Letter to the Prime Minister, May 16-M. Jules Simon resigns-The New Ministry-Marshal MacMahon's position-Meeting of Republican Deputies -Their Declaration-M. Gambetta's Speech in the Chamber of Deputies-The President's Message-Prorogation of the Chambers--Republican Manifesto-Government Measures-Marshal MacMahon's Declaration.

Ar the beginning of the year 1877 France was still under that form of government which, though nominally a Republic, was little more than a compromise between a Republic and a Despotism -between parliamentary and constitutional liberty and personal rule-and which (from the military rank of its chief magistrate) has been termed the Marshalate.'

Hitherto (since his election as President in 1873) Marshal MacMahon had resisted all suggestions of the anti-Republican cabal (that was installed behind the Presidential chair) to grasp more power than the Constitution gave him-to rule by ministers agreeable to himself rather than by ministers who commanded a majority in the Assembly-yet there was always a fear of his yielding to its influence, and the more so because he was himself no statesman, and his views were at once ultramontane and monarchical.

The Chamber of Deputies, on its part, had exhibited great moderation, but it might not always be so docile. Under the spell of the Radical leader it might suddenly develop radical tendencies and support M. Gambetta in any attempt to carry out his political programme, and thus be brought into direct collision with the head of the State, the result being a dead-lock of the governmental machinery, with a possibility of revolution or civil

war.

Such was the position of France, the dangers of its government, and the fears of its statesmen at the beginning of the year 1877. In December 1876, M. Dufaure had resigned. A new ministry had to be formed which, according to constitutional principles, must rest upon a parliamentary majority. If that

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should be one that, in the opinion of the President, he could not himself accept, he must either dissolve the Chamber or take an 'extra-Parliamentary Ministry.' Moderate and constitutional principles once more guided the President, and he sent for M. Jules Simon, the leader of the moderate Left, who became Premier, and with the Presidency of the Council, he held the portfolio of the Interior. M. Martel, a member of the Left Centre and Vice-President of the Senate, became Keeper of the Seals.

The new year began propitiously, for the threatened conflict between the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate had been terminated by the Budget being voted by both Chambers. The total revenue expected for 1877 was put down at 2,737,003,812f.—that is, 109,000,000l. sterling. Of this the sum of 412,470,600f. is collected from direct taxes, and 2,324,533,212f. from indirect taxes. The authorised total expenditure was stated as 2,737,312,194f., the deficit thus amounting to 308,382f. The extraordinary session had thus happily been brought to a close by the triumph of the new minister over M. Gambetta, the leader of the Opposition. The difference between them had been upon a constitutional point. M. Gambetta, as chairman of the Budget Committee, had struck out some of the items proposed by the Government, and, notably, that for the payment of military chaplains. These amendments were supported by the Chamber; the Senate, however, restored most of the charges, and so arose a question of prerogative.

The leader of the Opposition begged the Chamber to stand by him and its prerogative; while the minister hoped it would avoid a conflict which might endanger existing institutions. The House taking into consideration the amendments of the Senate adopted some of them (those respecting military chaplains and allowances for outfits to officers), and so recognised the right of the Senate not only to vote the Budget but to amend it, and the Senate, content with this triumph, at once voted the Budget without further discussion. A collision between the Chambers that might have had serious results was thus peaceably terminated, and the Legislature was prorogued till the 9th inst. The situation, however, was not altogether reassuring, and, as a political observer remarked, it amounted to this:-A Republic of recent date, "with an honest but not very intelligent soldier at the head of it; a Prime Minister, who, though he might be a profound republican' and a profound conservative,' was better known as a littérateur and libre penseur than as a practised statesman; and as leader of the Opposition, one who hoped to succeed either minister or president, or, perhaps, both in turn: a man whose chief religious feeling was hostility to Church and priests, and whose political principles were a radicalism only more dangerous because disguised under a veil of moderation."

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But if there were clouds on the political horizon, the sun shone brightly, as in May, on the thousands who, on the Jour de l'An, crowded the promenades and boulevards; and the light-hearted

Parisians, content to defer more serious considerations, seemed bent only on festivities, shopping, and receptions.

On the reassembling of the Legislature, the Duc d'AudiffretPasquier was elected President of the Senate, and M. Grévy of the Chamber of Deputies; and M. Simon began his administration as Minister of the Interior by removing Bonapartist prefects, and otherwise eliminating the Bonapartist element in other branches of the public service.

The results of the census of the population of Paris, for the last four years, was made known on January 6, as follows:— Number of inhabitants, 1,986,748; an increase of 134,956 since 1872. The increase has been chiefly in the quarters inhabited by the working classes. In Cliquancourt the gain was over 7,000; in Belleville, 5,000; in the Gros-Caillon, 3,220. The eighth arrondissement, however, including the Champs Elysées, Madeleine, &c., has gained 6,000, and Passy 5,000.

Parliamentary government in England is a tree of native growth of which we see the germ in the Saxon Witenagemot. It now fills the land, and is the common property of all parties, and no one dreams of cutting it down; but in France, if it grows awhile, its many enemies never allow it to reach maturity or to attain to its full stature. During the first session of the year and subsequently, the Chambers at Versailles might have been taken for some debating club, where coteries and cabals met to hold discussion classes, and to ventilate their own particular views, rather than the national parliament of a great nation; and out of doors the Irreconcilables were doing the work of the enemies of the Republic by giving dinners (on Sunday, January 21) at Belleville to celebrate the anniversary of the execution of Louis XVI., and arrangements were made by these tiger-apes to commemorate in the same way (on February 16) the execution of "La Veuve Capet."

The debates in the English Parliament on the Eastern question, the speech of Lord Derby, and the attitude of the English Government, were all commented on in terms of high approval by both the French press and Parliament; for France, like England, was bent on preserving a strict neutrality. In the home politics of France very little occurred at first worth recording.

On February 18 a Frenchman of some celebrity, General Changarnier, died in the eighty-fourth year of his age. He made no figure as a politician. As a soldier he was brave and selfconfident, but ambitious and vain. In appearance, and as a beau and homme d'esprit, the Legitimate General was a complete contrast to his Republican contemporary, General Cavaignac; but they resembled each other in being incorruptibly honest, and they both valued independence and their own political convictions far above mere personal advancement. "At one time," it has been remarked by a political writer, " Changarnier might have changed (perhaps it is not too much to say) the fate of Europe as well as

of France." His popularity and influence with the army was great, and he would probably have succeeded in the contre coup to the coup d'état which he meditated; but he hesitated, and to hesitate at such times is a fatal error.

"The Imperial conspirators struck their blow first, and all was over. Had Changarnier surrounded the Elysée a night or two previously, and arrested the President, the proofs of the plot, the very drawer of the presidential bureau, filled with the bundle of papers marked rubicon,' containing the manuscript proclamations dissolving the Assembly and appealing to the nation, would all have fallen into his hands, and justified the act. Napoleon III. might never have reigned; the wars of the Crimea, of Italy and Germany, never have taken place; the two latter countries never have been unified; perhaps even no Eastern Question been tormenting us at the present moment. It is wonderful to think what a moment of decisive resolution, without waiting for Dupin,' on the part of the dapper little figure which has just departed from among us, might have possibly effected in the destinies of the world."

Even Changarnier had no opinion of the Marshalate, nor of the President's power of stemming the threatened flood of Radicalism, for he is said to have remarked upon a recent occasion, "Ce pauvre bon Maréchal "-" he seems to me to be leading us dans l'abîme as fast as that brigand de Thiers himself!"

How little French statesmen often care for consistency was illustrated at this time by the Prime Minister prosecuting M. Paul de Cassagnac for Bonapartist articles in the Pays newspaper, expressing hatred and contempt of the Government.

At the reopening of the Chamber after the Easter recess the Duc Decazes reiterated the peace policy of the Government, which was, in fact, identical with that of England, namely, a strict neutrality.

A remarkable discussion followed on ultramontane tactics with reference to education. It was introduced by M. Leblond, who protested that he had no wish to attack religion, or the French clergy, but only a party which was political rather than religious. It influenced the youth of the country by the hold it had obtained upon both primary and superior education, and by the instruction it imparted perverted history, calumniated modern feeling, and taught the duty of absolute submission to authority. After a long discussion-a trimming speech from M. Jules Simon, a vigorous onslaught on this ultramontane development by M. Gambetta, which produced great sensation, and an ultramontane speech by M. de Mun-an understanding was come to between the Government and the majority. M. Leblond invited the Government to use the legal means in its possession to repress ultramontane manifestations, and, in particular, the anti-patriotic agitation to which he had called attention. M. Jules Simon, amidst the cheers of the Left and the derision of the Right, accepted this declaration, which was accordingly voted by 346 to 114.

If the adage be true that "happy are the people whose annals are vacant," the French must certainly be the most miserable people in Europe, for their history is mostly made up of wars, revolutions, democratic excesses, and the despotism which is sure to follow. Their attempts at parliamentary and constitutional government have, for the most part, been a satire upon free institutions, and have too often degenerated into a mere conflict of factions. The year 1877 was scarcely an exception to this general rule. Up to May 16, indeed, French political annals had been vacant enough, and correspondents were fain to eke out their communications by the reports of petty squabbles, the state of the weather, the state of feeling on the Eastern Question, or the preparations for the International Exhibition at Paris. Home politics had been dull, but more exciting times were at hand, for the dead calm was broken by a political thunderclap that rudely dispelled the dreams of those who flattered themselves that constitutional government had closed the era of revolutions; and the blow came, not from the Irreconcilables and the Reds, but from the professed Guardian of the Constitution, who had hitherto subordinated his own will to the will of the nation as represented by the Chamber of its election.

M. Jules Simon had steadily but cautiously carried out such changes as seemed to him essential to the safety of the Republic, especially in the removal of its avowed enemies-prefects, magistrates, and other officers-from the service of the public. He sought to free the press from the trammels that hampered it, and he had shown a firm determination to act as a constitutional minister, and not as the agent of personal government. But while his measures were meeting with a success that might have given confidence to the Marshal and the Conservatives, and he was steering a judicious course between the suspicions of the more advanced Republicans and the fears of the President, the latter, on May 16, wrote his Prime Minister a letter that was, in fact, nothing short of a dismissal from office. "I have just read in the Journal Officiel," he remarked, "the report of yesterday's sitting, and I have seen with surprise that neither you nor the Keeper of the Seals urged from the Tribune all the serious reasons which should have prevented the repeal of a law on the press passed less than two years ago on the proposal of M. Dufaure, and the application of which you yourself quite recently demanded from the tribunals. Yet, at several meetings of the Council, and even at yesterday morning's, it had been decided that the President of the Council, as also the Keeper of the Seals, should undertake to combat it. There had already been room for astonishment that the Chamber of Deputies, in its latest sittings, had discussed a whole Municipal Law, and even adopted some provisions, the danger of which you yourself had recognised in the Council of Ministers, such as the publicity of the sittings of Municipal Councils without the Minister of the Interior having taken part in the discussion.

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