one man the opinion was expressed that the terms could not be accepted, and that it was better to withstand the general assault. Lieut.-colonel Daubenay, of the "Volontaires étrangers," was dispatched to the British lines to ask for a similar capitulation to that granted to the garrison at Minorca. Daubenay returned with the written reply, that the British commanders had nothing to change in the terms offered. Again the council met, and it was resolved that it was preferable to meet the British with arms in their hands, than accept such conditions, upon which de Drucour wrote back that he had to reiterate that his demands were the same, and that he continued in the first manner of thinking.+

When this determination was formed, Franquet with de la Houlière examined the ground to select the spot where the last stand should be made. It appeared to them that it could best be attempted at the princess battery, the nearest to cape Noir. The report of what was happening came to the ears of Prévost, the commissary-general. He lost no time in seeing de Drucour. He dwelt on the miseries to which the inhabitants of the town and the sick in hospital would be exposed by a hopeless resistance, for the superiority of the enemy's force removed every chance of success. Were it otherwise he would have been silent, but as matters stood, to take the desperate course resolved upon would only cause the useless sacrifice of the lives of gallant men on a point of military honour. There were 4,000 souls of the families of the inhabitants, 1,000 to 1,200 sick in hospital or in tents. All these would be exposed to blood and carnage, to the horrors committed by an unbridled soldiery in a pretended resentment for what had taken place in Canada. The allusion is here to the events at William Henry of the previous year, and to the attraction of plunder. It was, continued Prévost, not merely the question of cape Breton, which might be looked upon as lost to the king of France, but some consideration should be

"d'une seule voix."

+ qu'il leur réitéroit, que son parti ètait le même, et qu'il persistoit dans la première façon de penser. Que. Doc., IV., p. 185.

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given to the other colonies of the kingdom. For if Louisbourg suffered a cruel fate, the memory of it would act as a terror to deter merchants from carrying on commerce with the colonies, and would prevent the workman and the husbandman from proceeding to them. It might be a matter of military duty to make such a stand, and he was not surprised that it should be contemplated. Both the governor and himself, however, were charged with the civil administration of the colony, and they had from that position to consider the view he had felt it his duty to express.*

His intervention had the effect hoped for. He influenced de Drucour to send a messenger after M. de Lopineau, who had been entrusted with the letter, and to recall him. Whatever the cause, the latter had not proceeded any great distance; indeed, he had only reached the covered way, so he was easily overtaken. The letter was withdrawn, and Daubenay, who understood English well, was sent in company with de Lopineau to obtain what modification of the conditions offered were possible; in a word, the best terms which would be granted by the British commanders. The latter, however, adhered to the views expressed in their first letter, but some consideration was shewn with regard to the inhabitants. At noon the French officers returned with the reply they had obtained. No course was open to de Drucour but its acceptance. There were, as Prévost had stated, 1,200 soldiers and sailors wounded and sick in tents and in the hospital. The walls were in ruins; and the batteries of the besiegers were becoming daily more effective from their strength. De la Houlière describes them as armed with forty-two mortars from 25 to 30 inches; and sixty-five cannon, 36-prs. and 24prs. While this attack of heavy guns is explanatory of the damaged condition of the fortress, it speaks forcibly of the energy and labour which had been called forth in landing

* "Représentations faites à M. le chevalier de Drucour au conseil de guerre tenu à Louisbourg le 26th juillet, 1758," par M. Prévost, commissaire-général de la marine, ordonnateur à l'île Royale. Dussieux, p. 327.

them in the heavy surf, and had carried them over the morass, to the commanding position of the British lines.

The articles of capitulation were signed before midnight. They stipulated that the garrison should surrender as prisoners of war, and be sent to England in British ships; that the artillery, provisions and arms in the islands of cape Breton and of île Saint Jean (Prince Edward island) should be surrendered; the troops stationed there to embark in vessels sent for them; dauphin gate was to be given over at eight o'clock on the morning of the 27th to a British force; the garrison and all carrying arms to assemble on the esplanade, and there lay down their arms, colours and insignia of war, to be constituted prisoners of war, to proceed on board ship to be transported to England; the sick were to be cared for; the non-combatants to be allowed to return to France. The number of prisoners which surrendered was 5,637, with 221 cannon and 18 mortars, with a considerable quantity of ammunition and stores.

Early on the morning of the 27th major Farquhar took possession of the west gate, and brigadier Whitmore with a strong force marched to the esplanade to receive the surrender. It was not only by the gate that entry could be obtained. The walls were so battered that there were two different spots at which access could be had over the heaps of stone and material. Sentries were placed at these openings to prevent the pillage of the town by the camp followers always present on such occasions.

The French troops assembled on the esplanade, gloomily grounded their arms, and marched to the boats to be taken on shipboard. The besieging force took possession of the town and fortress. Brigadier Whitmore was appointed governor, and the British flag was hoisted from the citadel, proclaiming that the contest was ended.

The news of the conquest was carried to England by captain Amherst, the general's brother. At the same time he was the bearer of the eleven French standards which had been surrendered. They were received by the king as material

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tokens of victory. With great parade, and a large escort, drums beating and trumpets sounding, they were borne from Kensington palace to St. Paul's, and there deposited, during a salute of artillery, and the most animated demonstrations of public joy. The conquest of Louisbourg was indeed the first gleam of triumph reflected on the British arms in America. Hitherto there had been a series of reverses, and so distinguished a success was not only to be looked upon as a new national honour; it was a promise of future victory. It had struck a blow at French power on the western continent in its most vital part, the end of which, although not foreseen, was looked for with confidence and hope. All classes in London expressed their unmistakeable satisfaction. The court, the legislature, men of learning and science, the corporated merchants, the prosperous tradesmen, the struggling populace, were in accord as to the importance of the event. The sentiment was participated in by the great provincial towns. The feeling arose that the country was emerging from the condition of sloth and despondency into which it had been sunk by political venality, and the want of honesty and ability of the governing classes. The victory was not regarded alone as the triumph of bravery and endurance. It gave assurance of a wiser government, of a more honest administration of affairs; that merit and worth would obtain recognition. was believed and hoped that the national dignity had ceased to be the plaything of incompetence and unscrupulousness. The material advantages were on all sides admitted. The fortress had been destroyed, the very establishment of which was a threat to New England, which existed with the avowed intention of paralyzing her commerce and destroying her fisheries, and of finally regaining Nova Scotia; to be re-named the Acadia of former days. All these probabilities had passed away with the uprooting of the power which had projected them.

It

Boscawen was a member of the imperial parliament. On taking his seat he received the thanks of the house of commons, which had been voted to him in common with Amherst : their names are the only two specified, those of Wolfe and the

other brigadiers not appearing. Amherst further received the appointment of governor of Virginia, an office which in those days was regarded as a sinecure. The duties were performed by the lieutenant-governor, and residence in England followed as a matter of course. Amherst, regarding it as a reward for his military services, accepted the appointment with the understanding that he was not personally to administer the government.*

In 1760 Louisbourg was demolished, its fortifications, as far as possible, razed to the ground. Their site can still be traced by the mounds which show where the bastions once stood, and by the imperfect lines which mark the direction of the streets. Some fishermen's huts have been constructed near the ocean, and some houses are on the hills. They are the only memorials of the scene I have attempted to describe. Everything of value was taken away. The boucharded stones of any account were afterwards used in the public buildings of Halifax. The wisdom of the step is manifest. On the one hand it prevented the re-occupation of the fortress by the French, by a second treaty of cession, and as a port Louisbourg is not of paramount value to British America. No two naval stations such as Halifax and Louisbourg are required by the same power. Even if the sea voyage, by landing at Louisbourg, be shortened some one hundred and fifty miles, the gut of Canso has to be crossed before the main land is reached; it is about a mile and a half wide, with a rapid current. So little time is gained by the preference of Louisbourg to Halifax, that it would be difficult to-day to advocate its re-establishment, either on the ground of military or commercial requirements. The decision of the able men who

* Five years after the treaty of Paris, in 1768, Amherst was called upon to resign the position, objections having been raised in the province against his non-residence. On the ground that the office had been given as a reward for services, he claimed that it should be replaced by other emoluments. After much unpleasantness, which affected even his relations with the king, Amherst's representations were admitted, and he was appointed governor of Guernsey. He became eventually the recipient of higher honours, including a peerage, and the appointment of commander-in-chief.