1757] MAJOR EYRE. 15 The failure of de Rigaud must have suggested to him that the fort could only be taken by cannon; that it had to be beaten down and made untenable: a fact which ought to have been appreciated on the British side and should have been provided against. Owing to the number of sick who were suffering from scurvy, it was resolved to relieve the garrison. On the 29th of March following, Eyre with his gallant band marched out,* and colonel Monroe, with five companies of the 35th, occupied the fort. When spring came it was discovered that some bodies of the French had been thrust into a hole in the ice: one corpse was found stuffed into a pile of cord wood; likewise the body of an Indian was exposed: it was covered with snow and, strange to say, had been scalped by the French force. Although the expedition in reality proved little more than a reconnaissance in force, one advantage was gained: the precise situation and character of fort William Henry became known, and its capacity for defence estimated. The destruction of the sloops and bateaux was also of some account as it would delay the operations of the British provinces in early spring. Owing to the want of provisions no aggressive movement could be made from Canada until the arrival of the ships from France. In any circumstance, owing to the difference in climate, an expedition from Albany could take the field three weeks earlier than any departure from Montreal. Thus the destruction of the vessels enabled the habitants to return to their farms and put their crops in the ground.† Montcalm, however, We first hear of Eyre as chief engineer and quarter-master general in New York in March, 1750 [N. Y. Doc., VI., p. 553]. As has been related, he was quarter-master general at Dieskau's attack [Ib., VI., p. 1000.] In 1756 he built a fort at Oswego falls [VII., p. 184]. He was wounded in Abercrombie's attack of Ticonderoga on the 8th of July, 1758 [X., p. 729]. He subsequently became colonel of the 55th. As colonel of the 44th he formed part of Amherst's force in 1759 on Lake Champlain; and in 1760 he accompanied the force which descended from Oswego to the attack of Montreal. In 1764 he was unfortunately drowned on his voyage to Ireland. [Knox.] Vol. II., p. 406. + In Montcalm's letter to the minister, of the 24th of April, [N.Y. doc. X., p. 549] he relates that men of the detachment returned snow blind. He writes [as translated] "Canadians, Indians, and our men, to the number of fourteen score, had did not accept this view, for while admitting that no expedition could start from Canada until June, and that the delay had been caused to the English by the burning of the vessels, he considered that it would prove "not so much as M. de Vaudreuil thinks."* During the winter in Montreal, Montcalm felt himself called upon to intervene in a direction which has caused many a commanding officer anxiety, and will doubtless continue to be a source of trouble so long as garrisons exist: the inclination of many young officers to enter into imprudent marriages. In his letter to the minister + he represents this tendency to form "bad marriages which were not any more advantageous for the political interest of the colony than to the King." He continues: "M. de Vaudreuil appeared to me to favour them; he is encompassed by relatives of mean extraction." Montcalm wrote a memoir on the subject, which he gave to de Vaudreuil, "who appeared to coincide with these views." Two marriages were only allowed by Montcalm; one that of a captain of the regiment of Languedoc, whose father approved of the match; the second that of a captain of the same regiment, the objection apparently disappearing before the circumstance of "the bride being a girl of respectability, very well connected in the colony, having a handsome fortune." ‡ + to be led by their comrades, but at the end of twice twenty-four hours, sight is restored with simple remedies." The letter also appears Que. Doc., pp. 89-93. There are serious discrepancies between the two published letters, although claiming to represent the same document. *N.Y. Doc., X., p. 552. + 24th April, 1757. N.Y. Doc., X., p. 550. It is worthy of attention that about the same period [31st December, 1754, Wright, p. 285] Wolfe was expressing the same opinion. Writing home, he says: "I always encourage our young people to frequent balls and assemblies. It softens their manners and makes them civil; and commonly I go along with them to see how they conduct themselves. I am only afraid they shall fall in love and marry. Whenever I perceive the symptoms, or any body else makes the discovery, we fall upon the delinquent without mercy till he grows out of conceit with his new passion. By this method we have broke through many an amorous alliance, and dissolved many ties of eternal love and affection. . . Two or three of the most simple and insensible in other respects have triumphed over my endeavours, but are seated upon the stool of repentance for the rest of their days.” 1757] HEAVY PLAY. 17 If Montcalm saw objections in the marriages of officers, he felt that he could do nothing better for the interest of the colony and the kingdom than to encourage the soldiers in obtaining wives. The consequence was that, while in 1755-6 there were only seven such marriages, in 1756-7 there were eighty. He recommended that a gratuity should be given to soldiers willing to remain and settle in Canada, on the ground that they would make excellent colonists, and could easily be brought in the field during the period of war, whereas on their return to France the diminution of pay, with the increase of discipline, would be insupportable.* One cause of anxiety with Montcalm was the love of play, which was affecting officers of all ranks. Seeing its mischievous tendency, he proposed to de Vaudreuil to prohibit games of chance; on the principle enforced by the rules of a modern, well conducted club. We learn from Montcalm that there was no play either at Montreal or Quebec until de Vaudreuil went to Quebec. Montcalm brought the matter directly to the notice of d'Argenson. "M. Bigot loves to gamble," he wrote. "M. de Vaudreuil thought proper to permit a bank at M. Bigot's. I said what I considered my duty, but did not wish to forbid our officers playing at it; 'twas displeasing to M. de Vaudreuil and M. Bigot; the good of the service requires the contrary. Captain de Maron, of La Reine, has lost twelve thousand livres, which have been paid, his lieutenant-colonel having lent them to him. This partiality in favor of M. Bigot's house would have caused gambling elsewhere had I not placed the second captain of one of our battalions under arrest. I write to M. de Machault on the subject of marriages; it concerns the colony. I do not write anything to him concerning gambling; it would only serve to destroy the friendship between M. de Vaudreuil, M. Bigot and me. But I owe my minister an account of my conduct.† Provisions continued scarce and dear. Officers of small means found it difficult to live on their allowance. From the *N.Y. Doc., X., p. 551. + Ib., p. 551. M. le marquis de Montcalm aura l'honneur de vous faire des représentations C inability to obtain the necessary supplies four hundred men only could be sent to fort Duquesne on the Ohio, although the necessity of reinforcing the garrison was well understood, in view of what was heard of the operations designed against it. There had been little attempt on the part of the British to replace the vessels and bateaux destroyed at fort William Henry, accordingly not only all fear of an expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point had passed away, but aggressive operations were determined upon. In June de Vaudreuil was able to report that at fort William Henry there were only three hundred men, many of whom were sick, and that at fort Edward, on the Hudson, the garrison was of the same strength as in winter, with three additional companies of regulars and thirty-six militia. It was plain that no operation was designed against lake Champlain and that the English forts possessed but indifferent means of defence. It was known that the main body of regulars and militia had been transferred to New York to join an expedition against Louisbourg. All the force that remained to protect the frontier was Soo regulars and 2,000 militia. The forts, as it were, invited attack, the garrisons being weak in number and the forts incapable of resistance. sur la situation où se trouvent réduits les subalterns des troupes de terre. Comme tout est au moins trois fois plus cher que quand elles sont arrivées dans la colonie, il n'est pas possible que les lieutenants puissent vivre avec leur paye, si vous n'avez la bonté d'y avoir égard en les faisant augmenter, ou en leur faisant donner le vin et autres douceurs qu'ils ont eu les premières campagnes. Permettez-moi d'avoir l'honneur de vous faire les mêmes représentations pour moi. La place que j'occupe m'oblige de tenir un état honnête pour m'attirer la considération que je dois avoir. Je n'ai cependant pas à me reprocher d'avoir fait aucune dépense mal à propos et je croirois même avoir mal servi le Roi, si je n'avois pas reçu avec la décence que j'ai observée. Ce qui n'a pas empêché que je n'aie usé d'une grande économie. Je me trouve cependant cette année en arrière de dix mille livres des appointements que le Roi me donne; cela ne peut qu'augmenter, puis qu'il ne me reste plus rien des provisions que j'avois apportées de France. Je vois supplie d'avoir la bonté d'observer que je n'ai pour fortune que les bienfaits du Roi, que je dépenserai avec plaisir à son service; et tout ce que je désire, du côte de l'argent, est de ne rien devoir en partant de ce pays; il seroit bien douloureux pour moi de laisser plus de dettes que je ne serai en état de payer. M. de Lévis à M. de Paulmy, 10th Oct., 1757. Lettres, pp. 177-178. 1757] OSWEGO. 19 It was information too important to be neglected, and in a month preparations were made to profit by it, which were to be crowned with complete success. In a previous volume [III., p. 569] I mentioned the difficulty of weighing the evidence with regard to the massacres asserted to have been committed by the Indians on the taking of Oswego. Subsequent investigation establishes that they did take place, and were unrepressed by de Rigaud and a portion of the French force. With the Canadian troops the proceeding was only in accord with the policy which had been followed for a century: the destruction of every inhabitant on disputed territory, or permission granted to the Indians to carry away prisoners to serve as slaves until redeemed. To the majority of the French officers the proceeding was in every way repellent. Nevertheless, it was enforced by the governor-general de Vaudreuil. Before his day it had become a recognized principle in carrying on war, to use Le Mercier's expression to Eyre, that the Indians should be "gratified." They formed so important an adjunct to any French expeditionary force, that it was important to conciliate them to the fullest extent. The officer named de la Tour, reported as being murdered in the hospital, belonged to the artillery, and by a cannon shot had lost his legs [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 83.7, p. 225]. The fact is mentioned in "a statement of six deserters, etc." 21st August, 1756. It is proper to state that on the 31d of October Loudoun wrote to Henry Fox [Ib., pp. 246-273] that he did not give credence to any massacres at Oswego; but this opinion he subsequently changed. One Beuzil, then a prisoner at Quebec, writing to governor Morris of Pennsylvania, also records the death of one lieutenant of the artilerie.' He adds: "The whole number of the garrison killed very inconsiderable, not exceeding fourteen Sergeants and Privates. Some were since murdered by the Indians and their own drunken misconduct."] Ib., 83.2, p. 514. Lieut. -colonel Littlehales also wrote to Loudoun [Ib., 83.2, p. 518]: "After the capitulation, some of them having got in liquor fell into wrangling with the Indians, and several of them were killed; the number was uncertain." These letters were written by prisoners hoping to be exchanged, and in order to be forwarded had to be read by the French authorities. In a letter from Loudoun to Holderness, commenced at sea on the 18th of August, and finished at New York on the 17th of October, the news having been brought by a despatch boat of the taking of William Henry, Loudoun speaks of the massacres by the Indians, as 'The inhuman and villainous breach of the Capitulation." He then proceeds to speak of the taking of Oswego as being followed by the murder of several of the soldiers in the fort, and the whole of the sick in the hospital. [Ib., 85.2, p. 358.] The fact is officially substantiated that in the face of a large French force after the capitutation of Oswego these Indian massacres took place. |