1758] DE RIGAUD. 187 buildings were intrenched. For the time it took the place of fort Frontenac. The events of the following year caused its abandonment, and the place passed out of notice for half a century. Bradstreet obtained some important information affecting the Indians from the prisoners taken at the surrender. From what he learned, it was evident that the French had succeeded with the Six Nations, to a great extent, in obtaining their confidence, and in alienating them from the British alliance. The disaster at Ticonderoga must have greatly impaired their faith in the strength of British power. The Indian cannot be blamed for his desire to be on the strongest side. On the part of the French there was always an influence to appeal to his imagination. The Roman catholic missionary was ever present to administer the rites of his church, and to place in prominence all that could console the devotee; at the same time proclaiming the punishment which would follow any want of faith in the teaching given him. Thus enthusiasm was awakened for the French cause as representative of the true religion. Politically, the French were unceasing in their attempts at conciliation. The value of the Indian in the inroads of destruction into the enemy's country was well known. In July of the present year de Vaudreuil despatched de Rigaud with a detachment, and nine canoes of merchandise as presents, to meet the Six Nations in the spirit of conciliation. In his journey, hearing of the repulse at Ticonderoga, he went as far as Chouagen (Oswego). He was accompanied by de Longueuil, who had lately succeeded his father, and had much experience in Indian affairs. He had there an interview with some Oneidas and Onondagas. His presents were accepted, and he strove to retain their adherence to France. He had the satisfaction of being received in state and with friendliness, and for a time it looked as if his mission had been successful. The capture of fort Frontenac was a powerful argument against him, to counterbalance the courtesies of many such meetings. There was another powerful influence which seriously affected the Indian. There was with the two European peoples a cardinal difference in the relationship with the native race. The Canadian, readily domiciled in the Indian wigwam, took a squaw as his partner in life, and made no attempt to make a settlement on the hunting grounds of the tribe. The British population had difficulty in recognizing these rights, and they did not see that any infringement upon them was regarded by the Indians as an intrusion to be resented. There was consequently in the British provinces a constant attempt to gain possession of land as property. So long as the trader dwelt among the Indians, confining himself to buying and selling, and making himself rich by petty frauds, which the Indian did not understand, or if he did see through them, was not painfully shocked, for they accorded with his own ethics, so long there was neither dissatisfaction. nor complaint. The Indian continued his relationship with the traders, as he could obtain goods cheaper from them than from the French, and the rum was as palatable as French brandy, and cheaper. But when the population at the limit of settlement attempted to push forward and occupy land, without treaty or permission from the Indian, and in spite of his protest, the hold of the British on the Indian mind became weakened. In some cases it had been entirely alienated; such had been the case on the Ohio, where settlement had been attempted far beyond the mountains. The desire to drive back this settlement, with other causes, had powerfully influenced the Ohio Indians to join the French in their expeditions against Pennsylvania and Virginia. The defeat of Braddock had done much to exalt French prestige. So pertinacious had been their attack under French organization during the succeeding years, that in Pennsylvania settlement had been driven back to Carlisle. In Virginia and Maryland the limit to population was fort Frederic or the Potomac. The Six Nations, with no friendly eye, looked on the establishments which were being made on the Mohawk, and late events, joined to their own doubts and fears, had led them to incline 1758] ABERCROMBIE RECALLED. 189 to France, as much from the spirit of self-preservation as from any other feeling. Bradstreet's information was of importance, as it established the extent to which these influences were at work. He learned, on what he regarded to be good authority, the fact that the Six Nations had promised, with 2,000 men, to meet de Lévis at Oswego. The design was to attack the Mohawk settlements 500 Oshawas and some Mississaguas had been gathered at Montreal. They were to proceed to Frontenac and there receive provisions and necessaries, guns and ammunition. The whole of the Six Nations had shown such an inclination to accept French interests, that vigorous measures were required to avoid the evil consequences of their taking this step. By the middle of October the autumn rains were making the roads impassable for heavy vehicles; accordingly, on the 17th the artillery, ammunition, stores and bateaux were removed from the head of lake George to the Hudson. Some of the larger boats left behind were scuttled, the naval stores were buried in the encampment. The sloop which had been constructed since July was dismantled and sunk; the whale boats were hid in the woods.* On the 20th of October Abercrombie himself left lake George, leaving Gage to bring up the rear. The troops went into winter quarters, many of them suffering from scurvy. The fort at the Oneida carrying-place, fort Stanwix, was now complete. It contained casemates for 400 men, with a ditch and glacis. It was fortified with guns en barbette. Abercrombie's letter of recall, dated the 18th of September, reached him on the 1st of November. There can be little doubt but that it was caused by the events of the 8th of July. General Amherst was appointed his successor. No displeasure was expressed in the communication; for in acknowledging it, Abercrombie thanks the minister for the expression of good wishes and for the assurance that a just sense of his zeal for the king's service is entertained.+ * Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 384. + Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 87.2, p. 376. The French remained at Ticonderoga uncertain what course to take. On the 28th of October Wolf had been sent to fort Edward with a letter from de Vaudreuil. On his return he reported that it was evident the British force was leaving lake George for winter quarters. Montcalm sent out two parties: one under de Florimond, to make a reconnoissance along the road to fort Edward; the second under de Charly, who, from the heights overlooking the British camp, was to observe its condition. A deserter arrived on the 30th and confirmed Wolf's statement. De Charly returned and reported the camp to be abandoned. De Florimond brought back a prisoner belonging to the rear guard; possibly a straggler. De Florimond, however, represented that he had attacked the detachment and killed seven or eight. From this prisoner the news was confirmed, and the French learned the arrival of the battalions from Louisbourg. Having heard from the deserter that the British had made caches of provisions and utensils, of their boats and bateaux, Montcalm sent captain de la Pause with a party to William Henry to see what could be found. What of value was discovered was brought away; the other property was burned. The finishing blow was given to the intrenchments which the British had imperfectly attempted to destroy. The French troops went into winter quarters. Four hundred men, under d'Hébecourt, were left at Carillon, and two hundred at fort Saint Frederick, Crown Point, under de Lusignan. On the 4th of November Montcalm and de Lévis started for Montreal and arrived there on the 9th. Shortly afterwards they heard that Abercrombie had been recalled.* Journal of de Lévis, pp. 159-161. # 1758] BRIGADIER FORBES. 191 CHAPTER IV. The attack of fort Dusquesne, included by Pitt in the season's campaign, was in no way looked upon as an object of secondary importance. Indeed, it had been placed in equal prominence with the siege of Louisbourg and the advance upon lake Champlain. It embraced in itself more than a struggle for the valley of the Ohio: it involved the sovereignty of the west. The French, once firmly in possession of the river and its northern tributaries, would have closed access to further advance westward of the British provinces, and imposed upon them the Alleghanies as a boundary. The three provinces directly interested were Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia; they had fully felt the destructive influence which the French fort had exercised on their condition. In the three years which had followed the defeat of Braddock, the country west of Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, and of fort Frederick, in Maryland, had been devastated by Indians headed by French officers, accompanied by French troops. Wherever there was an unprotected settlement, it had been surprised, and the dwellers in it killed, or carried away to servitude. Step by step settlement had been driven back, for no effectual effort had been made to restrain these inroads; and the inhabitants who had occupied the country had abandoned it, when it could only be held at risk of life. The officer placed at the head of the expedition was brigadier Forbes. There is scarcely an illustrious name less known in English history; nevertheless, he was a man of rare and noble qualities, and there are few who have been distinguished by more important services rendered to the commonwealth. In spite of broken health and physical suffering, he carried out the duties entrusted to him with unrelaxed tenacity of purpose, with judgment and with ability; it was to his skill as a |