and he called upon them to put their frontier in safety, and that all he could undertake was to defend the country. At this date he looked forward to an invasion of the British territory by lake Champlain, and his circular was not worded so as to restore confidence, or awaken courage. In his letters to the home government he dwelt on the difficulties of his position, and he saw little in the attitude of the provinces which he could satisfactorily report. It is not improbable, that the expression of this opinion suggested to Chatham his unfitness for command. By his own admission he could awaken no enthusiasm, and could scarcely hope for even decent co-operation. To use his own words, he experienced not only "a general backwardness in every colony, but even almost in every individual on this continent to aid in carrying on the public service, and every expense raised as high as possible to the crown."

It is evident from the frequent mention of the fact, that food and provisions were exported to the French from the British provinces. The provincial assemblies were called upon to forbid this proceeding. Loudoun wrote to England that he had strong reasons for belief that the trade was carried on. One Wheelwright, of Boston, is named as actively participating in it, and the Dutch of New York are particularly mentioned as furnishing provisions: as the trade was profitable many were engaged in it.

It is a strange record to make that the provinces in the first instance declined to find quarters for the imperial troops, sent by the mother-country to fight in their defence. Shirley in his day had found for them the meanest of accommodation. He placed the troops with double rows of beds in such buildings as he could obtain; an arrangement carried out at the expense of the comfort and health of the soldier. Officers were allowed what was called "slaaf gelt," a small sum as lodging money, utterly insufficient to meet the expense. Loudoun was at this time engaged in recruiting for the four Loudoun to Fox, 3rd Oct., 1756. [Can. Arch., Series A .& W. I., 83.1,

p. 24.]

1756]

QUARTERS FOR TROOPS.

31

battalions of the "Royal Americans."* He heard that the intention was to establish the troops in some block-houses and temporary barracks, insufficient in themselves, and that no preparations were to be made for the recruits he was enlisting. No provision was to be made for the reception of officers. He strongly protested against these arrangements, pointing out the difference between peace and war; he contended that it was incumbent upon the citizens to furnish fit quarters for the troops. He was the more firm in his demands as the remaining provinces were waiting to see the result of the pretensions of New York. Should the province succeed in avoiding the obligation, Loudoun might expect on all sides the same refusal to receive the regiments, without some special payment. Loudoun prevailed, but not without difficulty; the troops were found quarters and the officers decently provided for.

Loudoun's representations of the policy of attacking Quebec so far obtained support in London that he was informed that a force of 8,000 men was to be embarked, with a strong fleet to co-operate. He was ordered, with the troops he could dispose of in the British provinces, to rendezvous at Halifax. As late as the 25th of April no plan of operations had been communicated to him. The troops were assembled at New York for the purpose of being embarked. The arrival at Louisbourg of a French fleet was known, and it was feared that, without a convoy sufficiently strong to encounter it, the transports would run the risk of being attacked by a superior force. An embargo was placed upon the shipping to prevent the intelligence of the sailing of the expedition being carried to the enemy. It was this order which caused the delay of which Franklin complains in his autobiography, and which he misrepresents as being attributable to the irresolution of Loudoun.

A fleet had been manned in England under admiral Holbourne, consisting of fifteen ships of the line and some frigates, with fifty transports containing 6,200 troops, com

The present imperial regiment, the 60th, "The King's Royal Rifle Corps."

manded by general Hopson, who constituted the land force taking part in the expedition. Owing to want of proper effort, and several delays having arisen, the ships did not leave England until the 5th of May. Sir Charles Hardy was in command of the vessels at New York, having lately resigned the governorship of that province to return to his naval duties.

Early in May Loudoun received orders to embark, and to sail for Halifax, where the object of the expedition would be made known. There had been many desertions from the ships of war in order to join privateers, owing to the large amount of money made by following that career. Several vessels were therefore wanting in strength. Loudoun caused the town to be surrounded by his troops, and as the cordon advanced the deserters were arrested, and placed on shipboard. The fear, however, remained of sailing with an insufficient convoy. Loudoun reported the danger of his position at the end of May,* adding, in his gloomy way: "If they meet us there is an end of the troops that go from thence." Nothing was to be heard of Holbourne's ships, and he was paralyzed by their non-appearance.

After some hesitation Loudoun determined to sail, and run the risk of the attack by which he felt that he was threatened. The troops were embarked on the 5th of June, and were to be escorted by the few vessels of sir Charles Hardy. Had the French but known of the departure of the transports and their weakness against attack by vessels in force, they might have annihilated the expedition, or have made prisoners of the whole. All the precaution that was possible was taken; vessels were sent out to cruise to learn if there was any sign of the French fleet, and on the report that no enemy's flag was visible the vessels sailed on the 20th to cross to Halifax.

Webb was left in command. On leaving New York Loudoun had written that he hoped Crown Point and Ticonderoga might be taken a view of the situation which shows how Loudoun failed to comprehend the extent of the

* Loudoun to Pitt, 30th May, 1757. Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 85.2, p. 280.

1757]

CABBAGE PLANTING EXPEDITION.

33

French force which Webb would have had opposed to him, and how ignorant he was of the consummate ability of the generals at their head. One matter justly caused him vexation: Loudoun was governor of Virginia, the executive duties of the office being performed by Dinwiddie, as lieutenant-governor. The latter, without authority, raised the embargo which had been enforced along the sea-board, while it was being continued at New York. The step was mortifying to Loudoun, as it placed him in a false position, for it appeared as if he was favouring his own government at the expense of the remaining provinces. The jealousy of the provincial was always easily excited, and men were never wanting, who, for purposes of their own, were ready to appeal to this sensitiveness. It does not appear that any unpleasant consequences resulted. Indeed, the events of the succeeding fortnight were all powerful to command attention, for on the 8th of July Montcalm commenced his advance on fort William Henry.

The French fleet, not knowing the prize which was escaping them, remained quietly at anchor at Louisbourg, themselves looking for the attack which spies in London had positively reported would be made. Loudoun arrived safely in Halifax on the 30th of June. On the 9th of July Holbourne with his ships were in front of Halifax, but so thick and continuous was the fog, that it took five days to enter port, although sir Charles Hardy sent out thirteen sloops of war with pilots to assist the incoming ships.

Much historical ridicule has been thrown upon Loudoun for the "impotent conclusion" of the year's operations. Writers speak of these operations as the "cabbage-planting expedition;" but really this lampoon has preserved the recollection of the prudence and foresight shown by Loudoun. It must be remembered that he only remained in Halifax forty-seven days, for he sailed away on the 16th of August. In this time, in order to obtain fresh vegetables for the troops as a preventive to the scourge of scurvy so often experienced, and to keep the troops in health, he employed them in planting pot herbs and cabbages. It was, at least, a healthy

D

employment of the time of the troops, and it was hoped would be a set-off against the tendency to drinking then so common with soldiers on service. The men's health, indeed, suffered from the bad rum they obtained by means of the peddling, unlicensed rabble which follow every corps d'armée, pests against which it is scarcely possible to guard. Owing to the sickness which affected the troops from this cause, an order was given to secure all the liquor in the place, and to lock it up in the king's stores. This occupation of planting vegetables, with field days and drilling, occupied the time of the men. It was during this period that the episode in which lord Charles Hay figured took place. Hay had seen some service, and chafing under the inactivity, he made himself prominent by his insubordination, publicly attacking Loudoun's generalship, stating that the public money was wasted in cabbage planting and sham fights.* Loudoun, in reporting the fact, asked that Hay might be instructed to remain at New York until further orders. On a second occasion he stated that "he had been forced to rougher measures." Finally, on Forbes, the adjutant-general, reporting that Hay, on being refused leave, had stated he would take it, Loudoun placed him under arrest.†

Can. Arch., Series A. & W. I., 85.2, Loudoun to Holderness, 5th and 6th August, pp. 341, 343, and Fforbes, p. 344.

+ Lord Charles Hay was the third son of the marquis of Tweeddale, and was present with the guards at Fontenoy, in 1745. He is generally accredited as being the utterer of the speech calling upon the French guards to fire first. When placed ander arrest for his contumacy he was third in command to Loudoun and Hopson. He was sent to England to be brought before a court-martial. The court did not assemble until February, 1760, lord Charles died the first of May following, before the sentence was promulgated. Boswell quotes Johnson as saying, "I wrote something for lord Charles, and I thought that he had nothing to fear from a court-martial. I suffered a great loss when he died, he was a mighty pleasing man in conversation, and a reading man. [Croker's Boswell, III., p. 375.] Croker adds that he consulted the minutes of the court-martial, but he could find nothing he could attribute to Johnson. Langton gives the more probable account. Owing to Langton's frequent praise of Johnson, Hay requested to be introduced to him. They met several times; on one occasion lord Charles read the MS. he had prepared, upon which Johnson said, "it was a good soldierly defence." Johnson, however, pointed out that it was in vain to contend with