1756] ROBERT ROGERS. 5 All thought of attacking the French outposts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point had to be abandoned. Those places had indeed become established garrisons, maintained by a large force, and could only be attacked with any hope of success by a numerously constituted and well appointed expedition. As winter approached the French removed the greater part of the force from Ticonderoga. The difficulty of furnishing supplies was great, and for a time their operations were confined to guarding against attack, and in watching the movements of the British at the south of the lake. In these attempts the French Indians shewed great activity, and were constantly prowling in the neighbourhood of the southern fort in the hope of seizing prisoners. The British shewed the same enterprise in their attempt to penetrate the enemy's designs. The duty was one of danger, and loss was experienced on both sides. In each case the adversary's fort was closely approached, so that an estimate could be formed of any probable hostile movement, and prisoners could be seized and carried away with a view to obtain reliable information. Prominent in the scouts on the British side was captain Robert Rogers. At the end of the war he published a journal of his operations. His hair-breadth escapes can still be read, and with belief, for his narrative in the most remarkable instances is corroborated by French reports.* Rogers relates that he was brought up in a frontier town of New England, and that his manner of life led to a knowledge of both the British and French frontier settlements. In 1755 he was in command of a company of New Hampshire troops, his duty in the first instance being the escort of provisions. In March, 1756, he received an order to form a company of rangers of sixty men, and in June and July a second company was raised. They were specially equipped, and constantly engaged in the attempt to obtain intelligence. Rogers possessed courage "Journals of Major Robert Rogers, containing an account of the several Excursions he made under the Generals who commanded upon the continent of North America during the late war, etc., etc. London, 1765.” which never quailed in the hour of danger. He cheerfully undertook expeditions, the hardships and risk of which he perfectly knew, as much from a love of adventure as from the consequence of his position. He brought to his duties coolness and soundness of judgment and an unfailing self-reliance which never deserted him. He passed safely through all these perils, suffering only from a wound and an attack of small-pox. If Montcalm looked for recognition of his services from de Vaudreuil, he only experienced disappointment. He did not long remain in Montreal; on the 10th of September he arrived at the camp at Carillon with the regiments of Guienne and Béarn, and 100 men of de la Sarre. On his arrival, he learned that two days previously two young officers had been scalped.* His first step was to send out a strong party of Indians and Canadians; their appearance prevented the occupation of some of the islands by a British detachment. On the 27th of October Montcalm, with the main body of the force, left for Montreal: de Lévis remained until the 15th of November, when he likewise marched off with the rear guard. The stone fort of Carillon was then so far finished that it could receive a garrison of 350 meh, and it was considered capable of resisting any force which could be brought against it in winter. The original intention had been that de Lévis should proceed to Quebec, but, owing to the lateness of the season, he remained in Montreal; and de Bourlamaque was placed in command there. The correspondence of that date shews the unsatisfactory relations between de Vaudreuil and Montcalm. The governor general complained of Montcalm and the French officers generally, on account of their bad treatment of the Canadian troops. He claimed that the victory at Oswego was wholly due to the gallantry of the latter, and he did not fail to point out that the artillery was entirely Canadian. One cause of *Two lieutenants of the regiment "de la Reine," de Biville and de Torçac. They had been killed when hunting in contravention of the positive orders of de Lévis. Letter of Montcalm, 26th Sept., 1756. Que. Doc., IV., p. 74. + 13th October, 1756. De Vaudreuil to de Machault, minister of Marine. Dussieux, p. 279. 1757] ROGERS' EXPEDITION. 7 his censure was that the French officers objected to carry on la petite guerre, and were only willing to enter upon what de Vaudreuil called defensive warfare. He dwelt upon their insolence and exactions; indeed scarcely any report more depreciatory could be made. On his side, Montcalm complained that de Lévis and himself in duplicate received orders, which could not be carried out, so that in case of failure the blame could be thrown upon them. De Vaudreuil, however, always made the best representation he was able. In writing to the minister early in the year† although unable to report that he had gained any positive advantage on lake Champlain, he represented that he had kept 1900 men in check; and that the scalps, which had been brought him, established the serious losses suffered by the enemy. In the middle of January a scouting party of some strength was organized in the British garrison of fort Edward, to feel the country towards Crown Point. Rogers was placed in command, and the force was marched to William Henry. After making the necessary preparations, they descended lake George on the ice, as far as "the narrows." Some of the party being footsore, were sent back; the number then remaining, including officers, was seventy-four, among whom were two volunteer officers from the 44th regiment. On the 18th they marched twelve miles; on the following day they descended the lake three miles further, and turning to the shore, followed a north-west course to avoid Ticonderoga ; finally they came within three miles of lake Champlain, midway between Crown Point and Ticonderoga. On the 21st they reached lake Champlain, where they saw a sleigh on the ice proceeding towards Ticonderoga. Rogers detached his lieutenant, Stark, to cross a point extending from the shore to reach the ice, and stop it. No sooner had Stark left when Rogers saw that three sleighs were following. It was too late to countermand the order, so the attempt was made to take Que. Doc., IV., p. 79. +13th January, 1757. Que. Doc., IV., p. 82. possession of the whole number. The first sleigh, however, escaped to Ticonderoga, to carry news of the presence of the British scouts, north of the French garrison. From the prisoners Rogers learned that the fort at Carillon contained 350 regular troops, and that they had lately been reinforced by 200 Canadians and several Indians, destined to be engaged in harassing the English garrison, and that more Indians were expected. Rogers felt the danger of his situation: it was plain to him that he must expect an immediate attack by a large force, and his only safety lay in a retreat before he could be intercepted; in reaching ground where there was no chance of being assailed. He went back to his camp, where the men dried their arms, which were wet, and started on their way homeward. They had scarcely marched half a mile, and were crossing a valley of fifteen rods breadth, when at close range they received a volley from a large force in ambush, which proved most telling. Kennedy, one of the officers, and one of the volunteers, were killed; several of the party were wounded, some placed hors de combat. The discharge was returned. Rogers' men retreated to the elevation which they were descending, and here they formed and fought desperately. The force by which they were surrounded amounted, according to Rogers' estimate, to two hundred and fifty men, and had the few rangers been charged by the bayonet not one could have escaped. There is no reason to think that Rogers over estimated the number. De Lusignan was then in command at Ticonderoga ; on hearing the news he immediately detached one hundred men of his force, with "some Indians and Canadians." They were placed under the command of captains de Basserade and de Lagrandville.* De Basserade was dangerously wounded early in the fight. The contest lasted for several hours, until nightfall, when the French withdrew, carrying with them their wounded. The English effected their retreat to lake George. Of the 74 who went into action only 54 gained the lake, of avec quelques Sauvages et Canadiens. Montcalm, 24th April, 1757. Que. Doc., IV., p. 91. "I detacha 100 hommes 1757] THE SKIRMISHI. 9 this number 48 only were effective. Six were wounded, 14 were left dead on the field, including two of the officers, Kennedy and Spekeman, and the two volunteers from the 44th, Baker and Gardner. Six were taken prisoners. They were perfectly exhausted on reaching lake George. Stark, a lieutenant, afterwards known in the revolutionary war, started in advance to fort William Henry, so that sleighs might be sent forward for the wounded men. Finally the whole retreating party reached the fort in safety. It is astonishing that the French from Carillon did not follow them. There may have been some attempt of the kind, but it is not recorded. Montcalm, in reporting the affair, does not conceal the strength of Rogers' force; he places it at seventy-seven; the correct number being seventy-four. He describes the surviv ors, however, as all perishing from cold, except three who reached William Henry. The losses of the French he sets forth as nine killed and eighteen wounded, of whom some died from their wounds.* There have been few skirmishes, fought under such odds, where more determined gallantry was shewn, and in which the danger was escaped by courage and determination. On all sides Rogers was highly praised. Abercrombie's nephew James, aide-de-camp to his uncle, specially wrote him to say how all were pleased with the conduct of himself and his men, and, while regretting the losses which had been experienced, pithily adds that it is "impossible to play at bowls without meeting with rubs." + The account of the affair, N. Y. Doc., X., p. 570, gives the French dead at eleven, the wounded at twenty-seven. + There is a passage in Rogers' journal which shows how constantly the spirit of red-tape has prevailed, to aid the indifference felt towards the honest claims for service performed, which threaten to be troublesome to the official heads at headquarters. After the affair of the 21st of January, when Rogers had received great thanks for his services, and the companies of rangers had been increased, Rogers says: "I again wrote to his lordship [lord Loudoun] earnestly soliciting his friendly interposition and assistance to obtain from the government here an order for payment of what was due to me and my men for our respective services during the winter of 1755; but if that could not be obtained, that he would be pleased to |