CHAPTER VI.

A new impulse had, however, been given to the power of Great Britain which was to exercise an almost superhuman influence on her fortunes and prosperity, to which few parallels in any page of history can be found. The duration of Pitt's ministry to the death of George II., and the subsequent years, furnish a sufficient contradiction to the theorists who can see, even in the most revolutionary events, nothing beyond a compound of inevitable consequence, and the natural sequence of circumstance. It is rarely possible, in the same degree, to trace the working of a commanding mind upon a people, to elevate its patriotism, its sense of duty, and its better nature, permanently to leave its impress upon the national character. The triumphs of Great Britain have never been attained through court or parliamentary intrigue: indeed, it is often to the blight of their pernicious interference that our misfortunes and failures may be traced. Whatever the form of government we may live under, it is imperfect in the degree, that we fail to avail ourselves of worth and ability in what rank soever they may be found. It was the recognition of this principle which, when evoked by Chatham, awoke the spirit of the nation, and drew forth the noblest inspiration of manhood out of the torpidity of self-interest and corruption. We may learn from Chatham's career, that the institutions the most secure and capable of developing human happiness, are those under which education and capacity play the first part. In an oligarchy with a show of refinement, as the character of the ruler may determine, the worst passions are restrained or find their outlet, but the tendency of the system is that, by favouritism, men are assigned duties to the performance of which they are unequal. In democratic communities political partisanship

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DEATH OF PELHAM.

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appeals chiefly to the passions, by which party success can be attained, with little regard to the consequences involved. The problem of government is still far from its solution. Two principles, however, rise in prominence to claim acceptance: the necessity of giving the means of education to all who can indirectly influence the national deliberations, and so legislating as to bring within the working of the constitution every person who can justly claim the right to frame and mould it. But where practically establish a limit? By what means constitute a governing class, however broad the basis on which it is selected?

The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle exercised so tranquilizing an influence on English politics that Mr. Pelham remained at the head of the ministry until his death in 1754. Ten years earlier, in 1744, he possessed sufficient power to force George II. reluctantly to dismiss lord Carteret; and the ministry, in order to strengthen its position, had then included several of the opposition within its ranks. They were mostly Pitt's friends; he was himself unprovided for. In Pitt's attacks of lord Carteret he had inveighed against the partiality shewn by the king to his Hanoverian dominions, and the subsidies paid to the German troops. The ability which he had shewn in this parliamentary warfare had raised him to the first rank in the house of commons, and he had become formidable from the reputation he had gained, and his personal influence in debate. From these causes the king entertained an insurmountable personal objection against Pitt's admission to office. The matter was brought to a crisis in 1745, at the time of the last attempt of the pretender: the Pelhams resigned. Lord Carteret, now the earl of Granville, attempted to form a government, but it was impossible to overcome the parliamentary resistance he experienced. The Pelhams returned to power with an understanding that their recommendations. should be accepted. One concession they made to the king, that Pitt should be placed in a position, by which he would not be often brought in direct contact with him. Pitt, therefore, instead of being named secretary of war, as was intended, was

appointed vice-treasurer of Ireland, and was shortly afterwards made treasurer of the forces.

The office was one of great profit, not from the salary attached to it, but owing to the large sums placed at the disposal of the incumbent, on which a considerable payment for interest was obtainable. It had always been the custom for the paymaster to make use of the money in this way, and it was well known that such was the case. Pitt disdained to follow the practice; he resolved only to receive his salary. He likewise declined to accept the percentages paid by foreign princes on the subsidies voted by parliament. This disinterestedness, joined to his remarkable ability, established his character in the public estimation. It was unassailable, and the favour he gained was the commencement of the extraordinary popularity he so long enjoyed. In 1750, a proof was given of his political strength, which was likewise a presage of the future position he was to assume. Pelham proposed a reduction of the numbers of seamen from 10,000 to 8,000; the motion was advocated by Pelham himself, by Fox (the first lord Holland), as secretary of war, and by lord Barrington, as one of the board of admiralty. Pitt, then paymaster of the forces, arose and powerfully opposed the motion of his own colleagues. He based his objection to the measure on the fears he entertained, of some unexpected attempt on the part of the adherents of the pretender: fears. certainly not without justification. The unpopularity of Frederick prince of Wales and of the duke of Cumberland was extreme. It became the fashion in many circles to praise the pretender, and for young ladies to sing those sentimental jacobite dittics, which, without their political significance, still retain their place amongst us. At that time it was, however, a different matter. The duke of Cumberland, with honesty of character, was imprudent in many of his utterances, and there had been an endeavour to magnify the severity of his conduct after Culloden, which even now has not passed away. Pitt's view was that the country should be prepared against any fresh attempt by the pretender's partizans. The motion

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was carried. In spite of this mark of independence Pitt remained in his official position. In the upper house, Pitt was sustained by the duke of Bedford.

The death of the prince of Wales took place in 1751. He had been suffering from pleurisy. An abscess had formed on his breast, from a blow by a ball received at a game. He died suddenly in the arms of Desnoyers, a popular dancing master of the day, who was playing on the violin for his amusement. The princess was left with seven children and in advanced pregnancy; prince George, afterwards George III., was a boy of twelve. Until this date there had been a prince's party, which had mainly constituted the opposition; it was now entirely dissolved. The princess discouraged all attempts to restore the former political antagonism: her first desire was to satisfy the king. The regency bill, which as a consequence was introduced, received much opposition. The princess was appointed guardian of the prince's person until the age of eighteen, and regent of the kingdom, with the advice of a council composed of the duke of Cumberland and nine of the principal officers of state. The friends of the princess opposed these restrictions, which they considered were in favour of the duke's influence. Pitt justified the bill on the ground that in the event of the death of the princess it would be dangerous to give extreme power to the duke. Fox, on the other hand, warmly defended him, and an altercation arose between them on this point, although members of the same government; so little control had Pelham of these his two leading subordinates.

On Pelham's death, in 1754, and the duke of Newcastle becoming first lord of the treasury, the question arose who was to lead in the house of commons. There will be always

found men of the stamp of Newcastle in imperial politics. Even in the outer provinces of the empire in which constitutional government is being developed, in accordance with the conditions to which it must be adapted, such men are not Their own success is the first consideration, and their entire policy is directed to the means by which political power

rare.

can be attained and kept. The least recommendation in their eyes is merit. They look for pliant tools to do their bidding, willing to receive with patience the kicks and rebuffs incident to the servility of sycophancy.

It was a personage of this character that Newcastle desired to represent him in the house of commons. Pitt was at Bath drinking the waters for the gout; he was not in the cabinet, and his character made him the last man in England fitted for the duty. Fox was appealed to: he was offered to be made secretary of state, with the lead in the house of commons; the condition, however, was annexed that Newcastle was to keep in his control the purchase of the votes of members of parliament, in accordance with the system followed at that date, and to some extent for nearly the succeeding half century. The euphemism was used in the public accounts as "secret service money"; there can, however, be no doubt of the application of the large sums named.* Fox had not many scruples at any time of his life, but he was a man of ability and with an acknowledged reputation, and he had every right

A record remains of the corruption of parliament in Pelham's time. Wraxall relates the fact [IV. p. 667-670] "on the authority of a man of rank and high character whom I do not name," but for whose veracity Wraxall vouched. This personage was acquainted with Roberts, Pelham's secretary. The latter died in 1776, and his medallion is yet to be seen in poets' corner, Westminster abbey. Roberts, in 1767, stated that while he remained at the treasury, several members of parliament regularly received a stipend in bank notes, the payment varied from five to eight hundred pounds. "This largess I distributed," added Roberts, "in the court of requests on the day of the prorogation of parliament. I took my stand there, and as the gentlemen passed me, in going to or returning from the house, I conveyed the money in a squeeze of the hand. Whatever person received the ministerial bounty in the manner thus related, I entered his name in a book, which was preserved in the deepest secrecy, it being never inspected by any human being except the king and Mr. Pelham."

On the death of Pelham, in 1754, Newcastle desired to see the book, and asked for its surrender. Roberts declined to give it up except to the king. His narrative is too graphic for abbreviation. "In consequence of my refusal they acquainted the king with the circumstances, who sent for me to St. James', where I was introduced into the closet, more than one of the above-mentioned Ministers being present. George the Second ordered me to return him the Book in question, with which Injunction I immediately complied. At the same time taking the Poker in his Hand, he put it in the Fire, made it red hot, and then while we