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1820.

CHAP. Council assembled to consider this question, M. Pasquier IX. stated, that the circumstances appeared to be so grave that a circular should be written by the king to the electors, explaining his views, and the course which he was desirous they should adopt on the occasion. Louis caught up the idea; and, to render the royal intervention still more apparent, he proposed that M. Pasquier should draw up the address, that he should correct it, copy it over with his own hand, and sign it, and that lithographic copies of the royal autograph should be sent to every elector in the kingdom. This was accordingly done, and a hundred thousand copies thrown off and circulated for that purpose. * This is a very curious circumstance, strongly indicative of how little the first elements of constitutional government were understood in France. They were destitute of what must ever be the basis of the fabric -the power of self-direction. Both the Royalists and the Liberals were aware of this, and neither wished to alter it. They regarded the people as a vast army, which would best discharge its duties when it obeyed with docility the voice of its chiefs; they had no conception of the chiefs obeying the voice of the army. Sad and irremediable effect of the destruction of all intermediate

"Une liberté forte et légitime, fondée sur des lois émanées de son amour pour les Français, et de son espérance des temps, était assurée à ses peuples : Écartez des fonctions de député,' ajoutait-il, les fauteurs de troubles, les artisans de discordes, les propagateurs d'injustes défiances contre mon gouvernement. Il dépend de vous d'assurer le repos, la gloire et le bonheur de notre commune patrie; vous en avez la volonté, manifestez-la par vos choix. La France touche au moment de recevoir le prix de tous ses sacrifices, de voir ses impôts diminués, les charges publiques allégées ; et ce n'est pas quand tout fleurit et tout prospère, qu'il faut mettre dans les mains des factieux, et livrer à leurs desseins pervers, les arts, l'industrie, la paix des familles, et une félicité que tous les peuples de la terre envient. Vos députés choisis parmi les citoyens, amis sincères et zélés de la charte, dévoués au trône et à la patrie, affermiront avec moi l'ordre sans lequel nulle société ne peut exister; et j'affermirai avec eux ces libertés que deux fois je vous ai rendues, et qui ont toujours eu pour asile le trône de mes aïeux.'"-Louis XVIII. aux Electeurs, 25 October 1820; Annuaires Historiques, iii. 231; and CAPEFIGUE, Histoire de la Restauration, vii. 119, 121. The idea of Louis XIV., " L'état, c'est moi," is very apparent in this proclamation of his descendant, notwithstanding all the lessons of the Revolution.

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ranks and influence by the Revolution, which left only CHAP. the executive standing erect, in awful strength, amidst the level surface of the people. Of the two, however, the Royalists were the most likely, if they had been permitted to do so, to prepare the people for the exercise of constitutional rights; because they desired to restore the nobility, hierarchy, and provincial incorporations, by whom a public opinion and rural influence, capable of counterbalancing the executive, might be formed: but it is more than doubtful whether the attempt could have been successful; because, in their insane passion for equality, the nation would not permit the foundation even of the edi- 119, 120. fice to be laid.1

1 Cap. vii.

the elec

able to the

At length the elections came, and were more favour- 94. able to the Royalists than their most sanguine hopes Result of could have anticipated. They demonstrated not only tons favourthe magnitude of the change made on the consti- Royalists. tuency by the late change in the Electoral Law, but the reaction which had taken place in the public mind from the birth of the Duke of Bordeaux, and improved prospects of the Bourbon dynasty. Not merely were the whole new members elected for the departments chosen for the first time by the fourth of the whole who paid the highest amount of taxes-one hundred and sixty in number-with a few exceptions, on the Royalist side, but even those for the arrondissements, of whom a fifth, according to the existing law, were changed, proved, for the first time since the coup d'état of 5th September 1816, on the whole favourable to their views. Out of forty-six to be chosen to fill up the fifth, twenty-seven were Royalists and only seventeen Liberal. On the whole, the Royalists had now, for the first time since 1815, obtained a decided preponderance in the popular branch of the legislature. Passionately desirous of victory in civil equally as military contests, the majority of the French in any conflict invariably, irrespective of principle, range themselves on the side of

CHAP. Success.

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1820.

1 Lac. iii.

The principle, so strong in England, of dogged resistance to victorious power, is almost unknown among them. Louis XVIII. was terrified at the success of the friends of the monarchy. "We shall be overwhelmed, 20, 21; Cap. M. de Richelieu," said he "can you possibly restrain such a majority ?" "We have the word of Monsieur," replied the Minister; and at all events, it was indispensable above all to save the monarchy.1

vii. 120,

121; Ann. 231, 232.

Hist. iii.

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This great change in the composition of the popular deputies proved decisively how much the long-continued ascendancy of the Liberals had been owing to the fatal effects of a constituency founded on one uniform qualification, which the coup d'état of 5th September 1816 had introduced. The Royalists and their adherents in the Centre were now fully two-thirds of the Assembly; and this majority was formidable, not only from its number, but from its ardent and uncompromising character. Now was seen how little crime advances any cause: deeply did the Liberals mourn the murder of the Duke de Berri. Among the new deputies were upwards of sixty of the old Chamber of 1815, whom the change in the law had since excluded from the Chamber, and who had nursed in solitude their opinions, and become confirmed in their prejudices. M. de Peyronnet, who had been king's advocate at Bourges, was returned, but he was cautious and reserved at first, and far from presaging the eminence which as Minister he afterwards attained. M. Dudon, who had commenced his official career rather unfortunately, soon rose to eminence, chiefly from the great facility of speaking which he possessed, and the energy with which he defended any cause which he espoused. General Donnadieu, who had become known by the prompt suppression of the insurrection at Grenoble, and the exaggeration and violence with which it was followed, acquired distinction also, from the intrepidity of his thoughts and the fearlessness of his language. He was able and energetic in his ideas, but impetuous and

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1820.

declamatory in his language—a peculiarity very common СНАР. with military men, when they become orators or authors, and one which sensibly impedes their influence. An ultraRoyalist, he included the whole Ministry in his longcherished hatred of M. Decazes, and did not advert to the rapid modification towards Royalist principles which it was undergoing. The Liberals beheld with satisfaction those feuds among their adversaries, and loudly applauded 128, 131; General Donnadieu in his diatribes against the adminis- 21. tration of the Duke de Richelieu.1

1 Cap. vii.

Lac. iii. 20,

96.

of Villèle,

The first public proof of the leaning of the Ministry towards the Royalists-which, in truth, had become un- Accession avoidable from the composition of the Chambers-was &c. to the given by the appointment of M. de Chateaubriand to the Ministry. embassy at Berlin, which he accepted, at the special request of the Duke de Richelieu. It was arranged between the Royalist chiefs and the Premier that M. de Villèle and M. de Corbière should, at the same time, be taken into the administration; but there was some difficulty in finding, at the moment, places for men of their acknowledged talents and weight in the legislature. It was got over by the moderation of M. de Villèle, who, set on higher objects of ambition, stooped to conquer. "Do something for Corbière: a place in the king's Council is enough for me." It was arranged accordingly that M. Lainé should, in the mean time, cede the portfolio of Public Instruction to M. de Corbière, and that M. de Villèle should be admitted without office into the Cabinet; but the appointment did not appear in the Moniteur till after the session commenced. The only Mem. de condition which M. de Villèle made on entering the ChateauCabinet, was that a new new Municipal Law should be 276, 279; introduced by the Government, which was done accord- 131, 132. ingly.2

The Chambers met on the 20th December, and the speech of the king, which was delivered in the hall of the Louvre bearing the name of Henry IV., on account

2

briand, vii

Cap. vii.

IX.

1820.

97.

Speech of

the king,

and answer

of the Chambers.

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CHAP. of the health of his majesty not permitting him to go to the Palace of the Legislative Body, earnestly counselled moderation and unanimity. Everything announced," said he, "that the modifications introduced into our electoral system will produce the desired results. Whatever adds to the influence and consideration of the legislature, adds to the authority and dignity of my crown. By strengthening the relations necessary between the monarch and the Chambers, we shall succeed in forming such a system of government as a great monarchy such as France will require in all time to come. It is to accomplish these designs that I would see the days prolonged which Providence may accord to me; and, to insure this great object, desire that you may reckon on my firm and invariable will, and I on your loyal and constant support." The address was, as usual, an echo of the speech; but it terminated with expressions which revealed the ruling feelings of the majority, and furnish the key to nearly the whole subsequent career of the Royalist administration in France. To fortify the authority of religion, and purify morals by a system of education at once Christian and monarchical; to give to the armed force that organisation which may secure tranquillity within and peace without; to improve all our institutions which rest on the charter, and are intended to protect our liberties— such are the well-known intentions of your Majesty, and such also are our duties. We will pursue these ameliorations with the moderation which is the accompaniment of strength; we will obtain them by patience, which is the act of awaiting in patience the fruits of the beneficial changes already introduced. May Heaven, measuring the years of your Majesty by the wishes and prayers of your 1 Ann. Hist. people, cause to dawn on France those happy and serene Hist. days which are presaged by the birth of a new heir to App. 585, the throne."1 "You have expressed," said the monarch in reply, my intentions, and your answer is a pledge that you will second them. I repeat it if I wish to

iv. 2, 3;

Doc.

587; Cap. vii. 145.

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