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XII.

1822.

CHAP. The modern city presents an interesting assemblage of the relics of ancient and modern times; for if the stately remains of its amphitheatre carry us back to the days of the Roman emperors, its fortified bridges, curious arches, and castellated towers, remind us not less forcibly of the times of Gothic strife; while its spacious squares, elegant piazzas, and decorated theatres, bespeak the riches observation. and luxury which have grown up with the peace of modern society.

1 Personal

13.

Views of the diffe

1

Before going to Verona, M. de Montmorency repaired to Vienna, where he had several confidential interviews with M. de Metternich. Their views were entirely in at the open- unison; and as it was anticipated that the intentions of Congress. the cabinet of Berlin would be mainly influenced by those

rent powers

ing of the

* Cap. vii. 373, 376;

Lac. iii.

405, 407;

Lam. vii. 96, 99.

of the Emperor Alexander, who was known to have the utmost dread of the military revolts of Southern Europe, it was with reason expected that the resolutions of the assembled powers would be all but unanimous. England, indeed, it was well known, would be strongly opposed to any armed intervention of France in the Peninsula; but, oppressed as she was with debt, and absorbed in pacific objects, it was not anticipated that she would draw the sword in its behalf, in opposition to the declared resolution of all the great powers on the Continent; and the extreme division of opinion in Spain and Portugal themselves, on the subject of the revolution, encouraged the hope that their governments would fall to the ground of themselves, without the necessity of military operations. Yet, notwithstanding the favourable circumstances which augured so well for vigorous measures, the Cabinet of Louis XVIII. was much divided on the subject. The king himself, with M. de Villèle, his Prime Minister, strongly inclined to a pacific policy, and deprecated war as a last resource to be avoided as long as possible.2

Verona exhibited, when the Congress opened within its walls, even more than the usual union of rank, genius, celebrity, and beauty, which are usually attracted by such

CHAP

XII.

1822.

14.

assemblage

and cour

assemblages. The Empress of Austria was present, the exEmpress Marie-Louise was there, and enjoyed the happiness of being again united to her august family; but the brilliant dream of her life had already passed away, and Brilliant the widow of Napoleon had sunk into the obscure wife of of princesses her own chamberlain. The Queen of Sardinia, with the tiers at Veprincesses her daughters, the princesses of Tuscany, Mo- rona. dena, and several of the German powers, embellished the saloons by their beauty, or adorned them by their charms. Never had any town in Italy exhibited such a combination of everything that could distract the thoughts of the diplomatists, or dazzle the eyes of the multitude. The principal actors and actresses from Paris and Vienna had arrived, and added by their talents to the general enchantment; splendid balls succeeded each other in rapid succession, intermingled with concerts, in which the genius of Rossini shone forth with the highest lustre. In the midst of all this pomp and splendour, the business of diplomacy proceeded abreast of that of amusement; the ambassadors were as much occupied as the chamberlains; and a hidden but most formidable power-that of the 1 Lac. iii. Jesuits, and the extreme religious party-carried on a 408, 411; series of intrigues destined to produce the most important 373, 375. results.1

Cap. vii.

the eva

Piedmont

that and Naples. state of Dec. 14,

1822.

The first matter brought under the consideration of 15. the Congress was the insurrection in Greece, and the com- Treaty for plicated relations of Russia and the Porte; but they cuation of must be reserved for a subsequent chapter, when important subject will be fully discussed. The Piedmont next came under discussion, and as it presented much fewer difficulties, it was soon adjusted. The King of Sardinia declared that the time had now arrived when the state of his dominions was so satisfactory that he could dispense with the presence and protection of the auxiliary Austrian force. The allied sovereigns acceded to his request for its removal, and a treaty was in consequence concluded, by which it was stipulated that the

XII.

1822.

CHAP. Austrian troops should begin to evacuate his territories on the 31st December, and that the evacuation should be completed by the delivery of the fortress of Alessandria on the 30th September 1823. By a separate convention, concluded at the same time, it was agreed that the auxiliary Hist. v.707; Austrian force which occupied Naples and Sicily, and which Cap. vii. was supported entirely at the cost of their inhabitants, should be reduced by seventeen thousand men.1

1 Treaty, Dec. 14,

1822; Ann.

375, 376.

16.

of the Con

gress re

slave-trade.

66

A strenuous and most praiseworthy attempt was made Resolution by the Duke of Wellington, under Mr Canning's instructions, to procure some resolution from the allied powers against garding the the slave-trade. He stated, in his note on this subject, that of the eight powers who, in 1815, had signed a declaration against that atrocious traffic, and expressed a desire to put a period to a scourge which had so long desolated Africa, disgraced Europe, and afflicted humanity," seven had passed laws with the design of prohibiting their subjects entirely from engaging in it; but Portugal and Brazil continued to carry it on to an unprecedented extent. To such a length was this trade now pushed, that during seven months of the year 1821 above 38,000 human beings had been torn from the coast of Africa, and thrown into hopeless and irremediable slavery; and from the month of July 1820 to that of October 1821, no less than 332 vessels had entered the rivers of Africa, to the north of the equator, to buy slaves, each of which could carry 500 or 600 slaves, which would, if they were all filled, imply a transportation of nearly 200,000 human * Wellington's Note, beings.. Great part of this detestable traffic was stated 1822; Re- to be carried on under the French flag.2 NotwithstandChateau- ing these appalling facts, which could neither be denied nor controverted, the resistance on the part of the French government to any decisive measure which might exclude them from a share of this lucrative commerce was so 28, 1822; great, that all that Great Britain could obtain from the v. 700, 707. Congress was a vague declaration from the five great "that they have never ceased, and will never

Nov. 24,

ponce de

briand, Nov, 26, 1823; Resolutions des Con

grès, Nov.

Ann. Hist.

powers,

XII.

1822.

17.

England

South Ame

cease, to regard the slave-trade as a traffic which has too CHAP. long desolated Africa, disgraced Europe, and afflicted humanity; and that they are ready, by all means in their power, to concur in all measures which may insure and accelerate the entire and final abolition of that commerce." Another subject was brought under the notice of the Congress by Great Britain, upon which the views of its Note of Cabinet and of that of the Tuileries were still more at regarding variance, and which presaged great and lasting changes rican inde in both hemispheres. This was the all-important one of pendence. SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. The Duke of Wellington presented a note to the Congress, in which it was stated," The connection subsisting between the subjects of his Britannic Majesty and the other parts of the globe has for long rendered it necessary for him to recognise the existence de facto of governments formed in different places, so far as was necessary to conclude treaties with them; the relaxation of the authority of Spain in her colonies in South America has given rise to a host of pirates and adventurers-an insupportable evil, which it is impossible for England to extirpate without the aid of the local authorities which occupy the adjacent coasts and harbours; and the necessity of this co-operation cannot but lead to the recognition de facto of a number of governments of their own creation." Veiled under a desire to suppress the undoubted evil of piracy, this was an attempt indirectly to obtain from the Congress some act or declaration amounting to a recognition of the independence of South America. The other powers, accordingly, saw the object, and immediately took the alarm. Austria answered, "that England was perfectly entitled to defend her commercial interests from piracy; but as to the independence of the Spanish colonies, Austria would never recognise it, so long as his Christian Majesty had not formally renounced the rights of sovereignty heretofore exercised over these provinces." Prussia and Russia answered the note in the same terms; and in a long and

XII.

1822.

CHAP. able note, drawn by M. de Chateaubriand, on the part of France" In so grave a question, France feels that Spain should, in the first instance, be consulted as sovereign de jure of these colonies. France concurs with England in holding that, when intestine troubles have long prevailed, and the law of nations has thereby been practically abrogated, on account of the weakness of one of the belligerent powers, natural right resumes its empire. She admits that there are inevitable prescriptions of some rights, and that, after a government has long resisted, it is sometimes obliged to yield to overbearing necessity, in order to terminate many evils, and prevent one state from alone reaping advantages in which other states are entitled to participate. But to prevent the jealousies and rivalries of commerce, which might involve governments against their will in hostilities, some general measure should be adopted; and perhaps it would be possible to reconcile the interests of Spain, of its colonies, and of the European states, by a measure which, founded on the broad basis of equality and reciprocity, might bring into harmony also the rights of legitimacy and the necessities of policy." The proposed measure, as a matter of course, came to nothing; but the circumstance of 1 Chateau- its being broached at all proved what adverse interests grès de Ve- were arising in the world, and the seeds of what divisions rone, i. 89, 94. were germinating beneath the treacherous surface of the European alliance.1

briand, Con

18.

of M. de

M. de Mont

Spain.

But all these subjects of division, important and pregInstructions nant with future changes as they were, yielded to the Villèle to Spanish question, for the solution of which the Conmorency re-gress had been assembled, and which required immegarding diate decision. The instructions of M. de Villèle on this subject were very cautiously worded, and intended, above all, to avoid the appearance of France requesting from the other powers instructions how to act in the affairs of the Peninsula. They bore, "We have not determined to make war on Spain; the Cortes would

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