application by a penalty, which, in the present instance, was much more tyrannical and severe, not only confining the individual, but wresting the children from the parents. It would fall too only upon the worthy and virtuous parents, while those of an opposite character would be heartily willing to throw the burden of their children upon the public. Yet the clause, though opposed by Mr Curwen, Mr Lamb, and Mr Calcraft, was carried by a majority of 46 to 14. In the progress, however, of the bills through the Up. per House, the Marquis of Lansdowne so strongly pointed out the inconveniences of this clause, as to procure its rejection.

A great clamour was raised during this session, on account of the price of malt liquor, particularly porter. Among other petitions, Mr Lockhart presented one on this subject, containing 14,000 signatures. It complained, that the brewers raised the price of porter when there was no cause, and did not lower it when there was cause; that in London the whole trade of making porter was engrossed by a few great brewers who regularly combined and consulted together, like the partners of one concern; that these eleven were themselves the owners of a large proportion of the houses in which porter was retailed; and that by the licensing system, and by advances of money, they kept the rest in such check, as to maintain a perpetual control over the price of beer. On this subject we must treat as utterly absurd the idea that there can exist any monopoly in a trade which is left perfectly free, and which any one that pleases may exercise. In this case, if the existing dealers sell their commodities dear or bad, there will never be wanting some one or more who will draw the public to themselves by supplying them on better terms. If therefore the manufacture be engrossed by a few

hands, it can merely arise from extensive capital and machinery, enabling the great dealer to make cheaper and better beer than the smaller one. We believe it to be a very idle plan in these great houses to manœuvre in buying retail houses, and giving advances of capital as bounties for the custom of others. This is distracting their capital and attention from their own proper business; while, if the trade is free, these artificially propped houses of sale can never make head against others selling cheaper and better beer. The plan, therefore, is idle in them; but it would be equally idle in the legislature to interfere to prohibit what can, in fact, do no harm to the public. But this case is very different, if, as asserted in some of the peti tions and speeches, it be really true, that under the system, which subjects every house of public entertainment to license, the brewers have influence enough to obtain a preference for persons in their own employment, and to exclude others. This forms a most gross monopoly, and one which Parliament ought by every possible means to break. The licensing system ought to be used, as the law intended it, solely for the preservation of public morals, not to enable the brewers to force an inferior article, at a high price, on the public. The Report of the Committee, whilst it severely inveighs against brewers possessing and controlling public houses, which by itself can never do much harm, has scarcely touched on this alleged control over the givers of licenses, which alone can establish any real monopoly. A Report was presented this session, recommending farther restrictions on the sale of goods by auction, to which Parliament for some time back has shewn a very strong hostility. We do not mean to recommend auctions as an advantageous mode of carrying on retail trade of a country; or to deny,

that the present age is smitten with a sort of auctio-mania. The hunting after bargains in auctions is, we believe, a very idle and unprofitable trade. It involves a loss of time, and regular habits of employment; and it leads naturally to the purchase of many things as cheap, which other wise neither would nor needed to have been thought of at all. Unless too the person is thoroughly versed in the article purchased, he is liable to the most complete imposition, without any recourse. In jewellery and furniture, above all, two articles for which auctions are much resorted to, and which, if sound, would last for generations, any want of soundness can never be compensated, by almost any cheapness. At the same time, we would

much rather have the public discover these things for themselves, and be on their guard against auctions, than be driven away from them by act of Parliament. Auctions may often be inexpedient, but we cannot see why they should be illegal. What right has government to dictate to any individuals the mode in which they are to dispose of their property. We verily believe that the world would go on better in all these matters, if left to itself, than by flying to statutory remedies for all the evils to which human life is found liable. Such do not appear to have been the views of the committee, who strongly recommend, that a bill should be introduced next session, imposing fresh limitations and restrictions on this species of traffic.

K

VOL. XI. PART 11.

AMONG the sources of that affliction which had been so deeply felt by the empire at the untimely fate of its princess and her offspring, some place had been held by the dread, that heirs would fail entirely to the British throne. Numerous as was the Royal Family, only two of its members were married, and under circumstances which precluded any expectation of issue. A disputed or a foreign succession, both evils of the first magnitude, seemed imminent. It would be unjust to deny, that very extraordinary exertions were made by the princes of the royal house to tranquil. lize the national alarms upon this subject. Four royal marriages announced in the course of the present session, afforded to the public a wellgrounded hope that this illustrious house would not become extinct by the want of issue.

No very amicable feelings have been wont to reign between the nation and its princes. The royal brothers, in a limited monarchy, are placed in peculiarly difficult circumstances. Born

to consider themselves as the most illustrious members of the society, as beings on whom every appendage of pomp and pleasure should wait; they are yet restricted to an income, much inferior to that of the first, and scarce. ly equal to that of the second nobility. It is with great difficulty that, in such a government, they can find access to any high public employments. The nation, justly jealous lest its affairs should be mismanaged in the hands of functionaries, for whose promotion favour alone appears sufficient to account, criticises their conduct much more rigorously than that of any other persons occupying the same place. In every case of failure, it raises clamours so loud, as the court is unable to resist. Thus excluded from any important occupation, yet everywhere courted and caressed, they are almost inevitably drawn into the whirl of gaiety and pleasure, involved in debt, and finally, perhaps, sunk in those degradations from which debt can with such difficulty be separated. With such faults the nation had to

reproach its princes; and it did reproach them with an asperity whetted rather than blunted by their elevated situation, and not softened by any allowance for the trying circumstances in which they stood. It is but just to state, that within these few years, a sensible retrievement has taken place, even in the public opinion. The grounds of scandal have in a great measure ceased; and deeds of beneficence, and actions worthy of praise, have begun to be recorded. Nevertheless, the original feeling still prevailed so far, as to give a certain de gree of popularity to any measures tending to mortify or thwart those members of this illustrious house.

The first marriage announced to Parliament was one which, from the age of the party, could scarcely have any reference to the present exigency: It was that of the Princess Elizabeth with the Prince of Hesse Homburg. The lady had the reputation of talents and accomplishments; and her spouse, though not possessed of extensive territory, had acquired a considerable military reputation in the great continental war. The Houses, on the 9th April, were merely called upon, by Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh, to offer an address of congratulation to the Prince Regent upon this subject. The destined husband was stated as a prince of a most illustrious family, whose character stood high over Europe, who had partaken in almost all the great battles by which its independence and tranquillity had been achieved, and had exhibited in field all the qualities of a brave, active, and able officer. Parliament having nothing more asked than the address, voted it without the least hesi

tation.

Affairs took a very different turn, when it came to the lot of ministers to announce the approaching nuptials of the Royal Dukes, and to solicit an

accession of income to meet the enlarged establishment involved by such. an arrangement. On the 13th April, Lord Castlereagh brought down a message from the Prince Regent, announcing the negociation of treaties of marriage between the duke of Clarence and the eldest daughter of the Duke of Saxe Meiningen, and of the Duke of Cambridge and the niece of the Elector of Hesse. An address of congratulation was then moved, not simply, however, but accompanied with a promise to consider the subject in such a manner as might demonstrate their zeal and duty. Ministers would gladly have had the affair pass, for this day, in general terms; but Mr Tierney immediately began putting questions about a meeting of ministerial members held that morning for the purpose of feeling their pulse on the subject. These meetings, he said, were, it would seem, always called when any new measure was to be submitted to the House; for ministers were convinced, that unless their measures had such a previous rehearsal, they could not carry them. Nothing could be done without a previous discussion in a meeting of fifty or sixty ministerial gentlemen. Such had been the nature of the meeting at Lord Liverpool's that morning. Lord Castlereagh denied that there was any thing unconstitutional in such a meeting; but Mr Taylor said, he considered the practice of calling together a certain number of members, for the purpose of taking their opinion whether such an application ought to be made, a practice highly objectionable. At length, Lord Lascelles fairly told the House, that he was one of those who had attended the meeting alluded to during the early part of the discussion. He thought he should not take too much upon himself if he stated that what had transpired there had not met with the satisfaction of se

veral others besides himself. He would not say more at present, but he would repeat, that in what he had mentioned, he had not stated his own feelings alone. The same statement was made by Mr Lee Keck and Mr E. Littleton. Mr Bennet then asked, whether ministers had not communicated to their select committee, that they intended to propose 19,000l. in addition a year to one of the royal dukes, besides 19,000l. as an outfit, and 12,000l. a-year to each of the others? Lord Castlereagh said, the address did not commit the House on any of the points mentioned. It gave no countenance to any particular amount of grant, or in fact to any grant at all. Mr Brougham then moved as an amendment some additional expressions, referring to the burdened state of the country. Sir S. Romilly begged the House, before it came to a vote, to recollect that the whole of the members to whom the private and unconstitutional disclosure had been made in the morning, and who alone knew its nature, had, from all that now appeared, disapproved of it, and had, one after another, informed the House of its being of a kind impossible to be supported by those who usually voted with ministers. amendment was then negatived, though only by a majority of 144 to 93.

The

The rough reception which the measure had met with, seems to have induced a pause in the counsels of ministers. On the 14th, Lord Liverpool, in the Lords, moved a postpone ment of the consideration of the similar message which had been transmitted to them. The opposition severely taunted ministers on a proceeding so disrespectful to the Crown, to whose messages it was customary for the House to return an immediate answer; and Lord Holland moved an address similar to that of Mr Brougham. Lord Liverpool stated, that by postponing

the consideration of the message until to-morrow, their Lordships might be the better prepared to give their opinion upon the measures which ministers might consider it their duty to recommend ; and Lord Sidmouth admitted that alterations might be made in the plan. Different impressions which had been produced might be removed. He would repeat, that different impressions might be removed, and alterations suggested, which would require consideration. Lord King believed this was the first time that a minister had given a decided negative to an address of thanks and congratulation proposed to the throne; and the Marquis of Lansdowne observed, it appeared that there was some mode by which the impressions were to be removed, and alterations made, without the knowledge and concurrence of that House; and that, while that process was going on, their Lordships must patiently await the result. As the mode by which this was to be accomplished was, it seemed, not fit to be stated, the House were required to adjourn until ministers came fully prepared with the result of their secret consultations.

A similar postponement was on the same day moved in the House of Commons, to the motion for a committee on the Prince Regent's message. Mr Brougham made the most violent strictures upon the proceeding. The plain English of it was too obvious to allow it to remain secret for one second to any person, who wished to discover it. A noble lord, a member of the other House, and standing at the head of his Majesty's councilsin a private room-in a manner contrary to the spirit of the British constitution-in a way which was against all practice, but which no man, even if the practice existed, could defend on that ground--had thought fit to meet a select body of the members of