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' (166) o is mentioned in Gruter's Inscriptions, as having determined the limits between the territories of Pax Julia, and those of Ebora, both cities in the southern part of Lusitania. If we recollect the neighbourhood of those places to Cape St. Vincent, we may suspect that the celebrated deacon and martyr of that name, has been inaccurately assigned by Prudentius, &c. to Saragossa or Valentia. See the pompous history of his sufferings, in the Memoires de Tillemont, tom. v. part ii. p. 58–85. Some critics are of opinion, that the department of Constantius, as Cesar, did not include Spain, which still continued under the immediate jurisdiction of Maximian.

(167) Eusebius, l. viii. c. 11. Gruter. Inscript. p. 1171. No. 18. Rufinus has mistaken the office of Adauctus as well as the place of his martyrdom.*

(168) Eusebius, l. viii. c. 14. But as Maxentius was vanquished by Constantine, it suited the purpose of Lactantius to place his death among those of the persecutors.t

(169) The epitaph of Marcellus is to be found in Gruter. Inscrip. p. 1172. No. 3, and it contains all that we know of his history. Marcellinus and Marcellus, whose names follow in the list of popes, are supposed by many critics to be different persons; but the learned Abbé de Longuerre was convinced that they were one and the same. Y

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Carthage, appears to have been still more reprehensible. A deacon of that city had published a libel against the emperor. The offender took refuge in the episcopal palace; and though it was somewhat early to advance any claims to ecclesiastical immunities, the bishop refused to deliver him up to the officers of justice. For this treasonable resistance, Mensurius was summoned to court, and instead of receiving a legal sentence of death or banishment, he was per mitted, after a short examination, to return to his diocess.(170) Such was the happy condition of the Christian subjects of Maxentius, that whenever they were desirous of procuring for their own use any bodies of martyrs, they were obliged to purchase them from the most distant provinces of the East. A story is related of Aglae, a Roman lady, descended from a consular family, and possessed of so ample an estate, that it required the management of seventy-three stewards. Among these, Boniface was the favourite of his mistress; and as Aglae mixed love with devotion, it is reported that he was admitted to share her bed. Her fortune enabled her to gratify the pious desire of obtaining some sacred relics from the East. She intrusted Boniface with a considerable sum of gold, and a large quantity of aromatics; and her lover, attended by twelve horsemen and three covered chariots, undertook a remote pilgrimage, as far as Tarsus in Cilicia.(171 The sanguinary temper of Galerius, the first and principal author of the persecution, was formidable to those Čhristians whom their misfortunes had placed within the limits of his dominions; and it may fairly be presumed, that many persons of a middle rank, who were not confined by the chains either of wealth or of poverty, very frequently deserted their native country, and sought a refuge in the milder climate of the West. As l as he commanded only the armies and }. of Illyricum, he could with difficulty either find or make a considerable number of martyrs, in a warlike country, which had entertained the missionaries of the gospel with more coldness and reluctance than any other part of the empire.(172) But when Galerius had obtained the supreme power and the government of the East, he indulged in their fullest extent his zeal and cruelty, not only, in the provinces of Thrace and Asia, which acknowledged his immediate jurisdiction; but in those of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, where Maximin gratified his own inclination, by yielding a rigorous obedience to the stern commands of his benefactor.(173) The frequent disappointments of his ambitious views, the experience of six years of persecution, and the salutary reflections which a lingering and painful distemper suggested to the mind of Galerius, at length convinced him that the most violent efforts of despotism are insufficient to extirpate a whole people, or to subdue their religious prejudices. Desirous of repairing the mischief that he had occasioned, he ... in his own name, and in those of Licinius and Constantine, a general edict, which after a pompous recital of the Imperial titles, proceeded in the following manner: “Among the important cares which have occupied our mind for the utili and preservation of the empire, it was our intention to correct and re-establis

Veridicus rector lapsis quia crimina fiere Praedixit miseris, suit omnibus hostis amarus, Hinc furor, hinc odium; sequitur discordia, lito, Seditio cades; solvuntur foedera pacis. Crimen ob alterius, Christum qui in pace negavit Finibus expulsus patriae est seritate Tyranni. Haec breviter Damasus voluit comperia referre; Marcelli populus meritum cognoscere posset. We may observe that Damasus was made bishop of Rome, A. D.366. (170) Optatus contr. Donatist. l. i. c. 17, 18.* (171). The Acts of the Passion of St. Boniface, which abound in miracles and declamation, are pub lished by * (p. 283-291), both in Greek and Latin, and from the authority of very ancient manuscripts. (172) During the four first centuries, there exist few traces of either bishops or bishoprics in the western Illyricum. It has been thought probable that the primate of Milan extended his jurisdiction over Sirmium, the capital of that great province. See the Geographia Sacra of Charles de St. Paul, p. 68–76. with the observations of Lucas Holstenius. (173) The 8th book of Eusebius, as well as the supplement concerning the martyrs of Palestine, princh pally relate to the persecution of Galerius and Maximin. The general lamentations with which Lactatotius opens the 5th book of his Divine Institutions, allude to their cruelty

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"79). The ancient, and perhaps authentic, account of the sufferings of Tarachus,"and his companions (Acta Sincern Ruinart, p. 419–448), is filled with strong expressions of resentment and contempt, which could not fail of irritating the magistrate. The behaviour of Ædesius to Hierocles, praefect of Egypt, was still more extraordinary, *; rt rat go's row durasny ... atp:6a)wt. Euseb. de Martyr. Palestin. c. 5t (180) Euseb. de Martyr. Palestin. c. f (181) Augustin. Collat. Carthagin. Dei. iii. c. 13. ap. Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. v. part i. p. 46. The controversy with the Donatists has reflected some, though perhaps a partial, light on the history of the African church (183) Eusebius de Martyr. Palestin. c. 13. He closes his narration, by assuring us, that these were the martyrdoms inflicted in Palestine, during the whole course of the persecution. The fifth chapter of his eighth book, which relates to the province of Thebais in Egypt, may seem to contradict our moderate computation: but it will only lead us to admire the artful management of the historian. Choosing for the scene of the most exquisite cruelty, the most remote and sequestercd country of the Roman empire, he relates, that in Thebais, from ten to one hundred persons had frequently suffered martyrdom in the same day. But when he proceeds to mention his own journey into Egypt, his language insensibly becomes nuore cautious and moderate. Instead of a large, but definite number, he speaks of many Christians (otius); and most artfully selects two ambiguous words 150pmaautv, and vicoutivavras, which may signify either what he had seen or what he had heard; either the expcctation, or the execution, of the punishment. Having thus provided a secure evasion, he commits the equivocal passage to his readers and translators; justly conceiving that their piety would induce them to prefer the most favourable sense. There was perhaps some malice in the remark of Theodorus Metochita, that all who, like Eusebius, had been conversant with the Egyptians, delighted in an obscure and intricate style. (See Walesius ad loc.)

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