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Page 2–" It is this city of Merab that the Arabs say was the residence of Belkis, queen of Saba, who desired to see Solomon. A dam, by which the waters collected in its neighbourhood were kept back, having been swept away, the sudden inundation destroyed this city, of which, nevertheless, vestiges remain. It bordered on a country called Adramout, where a particular aromatic plant grows; it is for this reason that we read, in the history of the Roman expedition, that they were arrived within three days’ journey of the spice country. —G. Compare Malte-Brun, Geogr., Eng. trans., vol. ii., p. 215. The period of this flood has been copiously discussed by Reiske (Program. de vetustá Epochá Arabum, rupturá cataracta, Merabensis). Add Johannsen, Hist. Yemande, p. 282, Bonn, 1828; and see Gibbon, note 16 to chap. l.—M. P. 2.- Two days, according to Strabo. The detailed account of Strabo makes the invaders fail before Marsuaba: this cannot be the same place as Mariaba. Ukert observes, that Ælius Gallus would not have failed for want of water before Mariaba. (See M. Guizot's note above.) “Either, therefore, they were different places, or Strabo is mistaken” (Ukert, Geographie der Griechen und Römer, vol. i., p. 181). Strabo, indeed, mentions Mariaba distinct from Marsuabae. Gibbon has followed Pliny, in reckoning Mariaba among the conquests of Gallus. There can be little doubt that he is wrong, as Gallus did not approach the capital of Sabaea. Compare the note of the Oxford editor of Strabo.—M. P. 3.-- Agricola fortified the line from Dumbarton to Edinburgh, consequently within Scotland. The Emperor Hadrian, during his residence in Britain, about the year 121, caused a rampart of earth to be raised between Newcastle and Carlisle. • Antoninus Pius, having gained new victories over the Caledonians by the ability of his general, Lollius Urbicus, caused a new

rampart of earth to be constructed between Edinburgh and Dumbarton. Lastly, Septimius Severus caused a wall of stone to be built parallel to the rampart of Hadrian, and on the same locality. See John War. burton's Vallum Romanum, or the History and Antiquities of the Roman Wall. Lon. don, 1754, 4to.—W. See likewise a †. note on the Roman Wall in Lingard's History of England, vol. i., p. 40, 4to edit.—M. P. 5.-" The turn of Gibbon's sentence is Augustin's : “Plus Hadrianum regem hominum, quam regem Deorum timuisse videatur.”—M. P. 5.—t The journeys of Hadrian are traced in a note on Solvet's translation of Hegewisch, Essai sur l'Epoque de l’Histoire Romaine la plus heureuse pour le Genre Humain. Paris, 1834, p. 123.−M. P. 6-" On the uncertainty of all these estimates, and the difficulty of fixing the relative value of brass and silver, compare Niebuhr, vol. i., p. 473, &c., Eng. trans., p. 452. According to Niebuhr, the relative disproportion in value between the two metals arose in a great degree from the abundance of brass or copper.—M. P. 7.-* See also Dio Cassius, xl., c. 18.-M. P. 7.—t I am not aware of the existence, at present, of such a work; but the profound observations of the late William Won Humboldt, in the introduction to his posthumously published Essay on the Language of the Island of Java (liber die Kawi. sprache, Berlin, 1836) may cause regret that this task was not completed by that accomplished and universal scholar.—M, P. 9.—* See also Joseph., B.J., iii., vi., 2.-M. P. 9-? These details are not altogether accurate. Although in the latter days of the republic, and under the first emperors, the young Roman nobles obtained the command of a squadron or a cohort with greater facility than in the former times, they never obtained it without passing through a tolerably long military service. Usually they served first in the praetorian cohort, which was intrusted with the guard of the general: they were received into the companionship (contubernium) of some superior of ficer, and were there formed for duty. Thus Julius Caesar, though sprung from a great family, served first as contubernalis under the praetor, M. Thermus, and later under Servilius the Isaurian. (Suet. Jul., 2, 5. Plut. in Par., p. 516, ed. Froben.) The example of Horace, which Gibbon adduces to prove that young knights were made tribunes immediately on entering the service, proves nothing. In the first place, Horace was not a knight; he was the son of a freedman of Venusia, in Apulia, who exercised the humble office of coactor exauctionum (collector of payments at auctions). (Sat., i., vi., 45 or 86.) Moreover, when the poet was made tribune, Brutus, whose army was almost entirely composed of ôo, gave this title to all the Romans of consideration who joined him. The emperors were still less difficult in their choice; the number of tribunes was augmented; the title and honours were conferred on persons whom they wished to attach to the court. Augustus conferred on the sons of senators, sometimes the tribunate, sometimes the command of a squadron. Claudius gave to the knights who entered into the service, first the command of a cohort of auxiliaries, later that of a squadron, and at length, for the first time, the tribunate. (Suet, in Claud., with the notes of Ernesti.) The abuses that arose caused the edict of Hadrian, which fixed the age at which that honour could be attained. (Spart. in Had., &c.) This edict was subsequently obeyed; for the Emperor Walerian, in a letter addressed to Mulvius Gallicanus, praetorian prefect, excuses himself for having violated it in favour of the young Probus, afterward emperor, on whom he had conferred the tribunate at an earlier age, on account of his rare talents. (Wopisc. in Prob., iv.)—W. and G. Agricola, though already invested with the title of tribune, was contubernalis in Britain with Suetonius Paulinus. Tac.Agr., v.–M. P. 14.—” Or, Liburnian, according to Niebuhr. Vol. i., p. 172.—M. P. 14.—t Add Niebuhr, vol. i., and Otfried Müller, due Etrusker, which contains all that is known, and much that is conjectured, about this remarkable people. Also Micali, Storia degli antichi popoli Italiani. Florence, 1832.-M. P. 16.-" This comparison is exaggerated, with the intention, no doubt, of attacking the authority of the Bible, which boasts of the fertility of Palestine. Gibbon's only

authorities were that of Strabo (l. xvi., 1104) and the present state of the country. But Strabo only speaks of the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, which he calls barren and arid to the extent of sixty stadia round the city: in other parts he gives a favourable testimony to the fertility of many parts of Palestine : thus he says, “Near Jericho there is a grove of palms, and a country of

a hundred stadia, full of springs, and well peopled.” Moreover, Strabo had never seen Palestine; he spoke only after reports, which may be as inaccurate as those according to which he has composed that description of Germany, in which Cluverius has detected so many errors. Cluv. Germ., iii., 1. Finally, his testimony is contradicted and refuted by that of other ancient au

thors, and by medals. Tacitus says, in

speaking of Palestine, “The inhabitants

are healthy and robust, the rains moderate,

the soil fertile.” (Hist., v., 6.) Ammi

anus Marcellinus says also, “The last of the Syrias is Palestine, a country of considerable extent, abounding in clean and well-cultivated land, and containing some fine cities, none of which yields to the other, but, as it were, being on a parallel, are rivals.”—xiv. 8. See also the historian Josephus, Hist, vi., 1. Procopius of Cesarea, who lived in the sixth century, says that Chosroes, king of Persia, had a great desire to make himself master of Palestine, on account of its extraordinary fertility, its opulence, and the great number of its inhabitants. The Saracens thought the same, and were afraid that Omar, when he went to Jerusalem, charmed with the fertility of the soil and the purity of the air, would never return to Medina. (Ockley, Hist. of Sarac., i., 232.) The importance attached by the Romans to the conquest of Pales

tine, and the obstacles they encountered,

prove also the richness and population of

the country. Vespasian and Titus caused

medals to be struck, with trophies, in which

Palestine is represented by a female under a palm-tree, to signify the richness of the

country, with this legend: Judaea capta.

Other medals also indicate this fertility:

for instance, that of Herod holding a bunch of grapes, and that of the young Agrippa displaying fruit. As to the present state of the country, one perceives that it is not sair to draw any inference against its ancient fertility; the disasters through which it has passed, the government to which it is subject, the disposition of the inhabitants, explain sufficiently the wild and uncultivated appearance of the land, where, nevertheless, fertile and cultivated districts are still found, according to the testimony of travellers; among others, of Shaw, Maundrel, La Rocque, &c.—G. . The Abbé Guénée, in his Lettres de quelques Juifs à Mons. de Voltaire, has exhausted the subject of the fertility of Palestine; for Voltaire has likewise indulged in sarcasm on this subject. Gibbon was assailed on this point, not indeed by Mr. Davis, who, he slyly insinuates, was prevented by his patriotism as a Welchman from resenting the comparison with Wales, but by other writers. In his Windication, he first established the correctness of his measurement of Palestine, which he estimates at seven thousand six hundred square English miles, while Wales is about seven thousand and eleven. As to the fertility, he proceeds in the following dexterously composed and splendid passage: “The Emperor Frederic II., the enemy and the victim of the clergy, is accused of saying, after his return from his crusade, that the God of the Jews would have despised his promised land if he had once seen the fruitful realms af Sicily and Naples.” (See Giannone, Istor. Civ. del R. di Napoli, ii., 245.) This raillery, which malice has, perhaps, falsely imputed to Frederic, is inconsistent with truth and piety; yet it must be confessed that the soil of Palestine does not contain that inexhaustible, and, as it were, spontaneous principle of fertility, which, under the most unfavourable circumstances, has covered with rich harvests the banks of the Nile, the fields of Sicily, or the plains of Poland. The Jordan is the only navigable river of Palestine ; a considerable part of the narrow space is occupied, or, rather, lost in the Dead Sea, whose horrid aspect inspires every sensation of disgust, and countenances every tale of horror. The districts which border on Arabia partake of the sandy quality of the adjacent desert. The face of the country, Except the seacoast, and the valley of the Jordan, is covered with mountains, which appear, for the most part, as naked and barren rocks; and in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem there is a real scarcity of the two elements of earth and water. (See Maundrel's Travels, p. 65, and Reland's Palestin., i., 238, 395.) These disadvantages, which now operate in their fullest extent, were formerly corrected by the labours of a numerous people and the active protection of a wise government. The hills were clothed with rich beds of artificial mould, the rain was collected in vast cisterns, a supply of fresh water was conveyed by pipes and aqueducts to the dry lands. The breed of cattle was encouraged in those parts which were not adapted for tillage, and almost every spot was compelled to yield some production for the use of the

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But Gibbon has here eluded the question about the land “flowing with milk and honey.” He is describing Judaea only, without comprehending Galilee, or the rich pastures beyond the Jordan, even now proverbial for their flocks and herds. (See Burckhardt's Travels, and Hist. of Jews, i., 178.) The following is believed to be a fair statement: “The extraordinary fertility of the whole country must be taken into the account. No part was waste; very little was occupied by unprofitable wood; the more fertile hills were cultivated in artificial terraces, others were hung with orchards of fruit-trees; the more rocky and barren districts were covered with vineyards. Even in the present day, the wars and misgovernment of ages have not exhausted the natural richness of the soil. Galilee, says Malte-Brun, would be a paradise, were it inhabited by an industrious people, under an enlightened government. No land could be less dependant on foreign importation; it bore within itself everything that could be necessary for the subsistence and comfort of a simple agricultural people. The climate was healthy, the seasons regular; the former rains, which fell about October, after the vintage, prepared the ground for the seed; the latter, which prevailed during March and the be#. of April, made it grow rapidly. irectly the rains ceased, the grain ripened with still greater rapidity, and was gathered in before the end of May. The summer months were dry and very hot, but the nights cool, and refreshed by copious dews. In September the vintage was gathered. Grain of all kinds, wheat, barley, millet, zea, and other sorts, grew in abundance; the wheat commonly yielded thirty for one. Besides the vine and the olive, the almond, the date, figs of many kinds, the orange, the pomegranate, and many other fruittrees, flourished in the greatest luxuriance. Great quantity of honey was collected. The balm-tree, which produced the opobalsamum, a great object of trade, was probably introduced from Arabia in the time of Solomon. It flourished about Jericho and in Gilead.”—Milman's Hist. of Jews, i., 177.-M. P. 16.—t The French editor has a long and unnecessary note on the History of Cyrene. For the present state of that coast and country, the volume of Captain Beechey is full of interesting details. Egypt, now an independent and improving kingdom, appears, under the enterprising rule of Mohammed Ali, likely to revenge its former oppression upon the decrepit power of the Turkish empire.—M. P. 17.-* Minorca was lost to Great Britain in 1782. Ann. Register for that year.—M. P. 17.-t The gallant struggles of the Corsicans for their independence under Paoli were brought to a close in the year 1769. This volume was published in 1776. See Botta, Storia d’Italia, vol. xiv.–M. P. 17.—f Malta, it need scarcely be said, is now in the possession of the English. We have not, however, thought it necessary to notice every change in the political state of the world since the time of Gibbon.—M. P. 18.—* The Hyphasis is one of the five rivers which join the Indus or the Sind, af. ter having traversed the province of the Pendj-ab, a name which in Persian signifies five rivers. * * * G. The five rivers were, 1. The Hydaspes, now the Chelum, Behni, or Bedusta (Sanscrit, Vitasthā, Arrow-swift). 2. The Acesines, the Chenab (Sanscrit, Chandrabhāgā, Moon-gift). 3. Hydraotes, the Ravey or Iraoty (Sanscrit, Irāvati). 4. Hyphasis, the Beyah (Sanscrit, Wepāsā, Fetterless). 5. The Satadru (Sanscrit, the Hundred Streamed), the Sutledj, known first to the Greeks in the time of Ptolemy. Rennel. Wincent, Commerce of Anc., Book ii. Lassen, Pentatam. Ind. Wilson's Sanscrit Dict., and the recent valuable memoir of Lieutenant Burnes, Journal of London Geogr. Society, vol. iii., p. 2, with the travels of that very able writer. Compare Gibbon's own note, c. lxv., note 25.-M. substit. for G. P. 18.- M. Constant, in his very learned and eloquent work, “Sur la Religion,” with the two additional volumes, “Du Polythéisme Romain,” has considered the whole history of polytheism in a tone of philosophy, which, without subscribing to all his opinions, we may be permitted to admire. “The boasted tolerance of polytheism did not rest upon the respect due from society to the freedom of individual opinion. The polytheistic nations, tolerant as they were towards each other as separate states, were not the less ignorant of the eternal principle, the only basis of enlightened toleration, that every one has a right to worship God in the manner which seems to him the best. Citizens, on the contrary, were bound to conform to the religion of the state; they had not the liberty to adopt a foreign religion, though that religion might be legally

recognised in their own city for the strangers who were its votaries.”—Sur la Religion, v., 184. Du Polyth. Rom., ii., 308. At this time the growing religious indifference, and the general administration of the empire by Romans, who, being strangers, would do no more than protect, not enlist themselves in the cause of the local superstitions, had introduced great laxity. o: intolerance was clearly the theory both of the Greek and Roman law. The subject is more fully considered in another place. P. 19.-" There is a curious coincidence between Gibbon's expressions and those of the newly recovered “De Republica” of Cicero, though the argument is rather the converse, lib. i., c. 36. “Sive haec ad utilitatem vita constituta sint a principibus rerum publicarum, ut rex putaretur unus esse in coelo, qui nutu, ut ait Homerus, totum Olympum converteret, idemgue et rex et pater haberetur omnium.”—M. P. 21.—* Yet the worship of foreign gods at Rome was only guarantied to the natives of those countries from whence they came. The Romans assumed the priestly offices only to the gods of their fathers. For Gibbon, throughout the whole preceding sketch of the opinions of the Romans and their subjects, has shown through what causes they were free from religious hatred and its consequences. But, on the other hand, the internal state of these religions, the infidelity and hypocrisy of the upper orders, the indifference towards all religion, in even the better part of the common people, during the last days of the republic and under the Caesars, and the corrupting principles of the philosophers, had exercised a very pernicious influence on the manners and even on the constitution.—W. P. 21.-f Gibbon here blends into one two events, distant a hundred and sixty-six years from each other. It was in the year of Rome 535 that the senate, having ordered the destruction of the temples of Isis and Serapis, no workman would lend his hand; and the consul, L. AEmilius Paulus, himself (Valer. Max., 1, 3) seized the axe to give the first blow. , Gibbon attributes this circumstance to the second demolition, which took place in the year 701, and which he considers as the first.—W. P. 21-f See, in the pictures from the walls of Pompeii, the representation of an Isiac temple and worship. Westiges of Egyptian worship have been traced in Gaul; and, I am informed, recently in Britain, in excavations at York.--M. P. 21.-3 Democratic states, observes Demina (delle Revoluz. d'Italia, l. ii., c. 1), are most jealous of communicating the privileges of citizenship; monarchies or oligarchies willingly multiply the numbers of their free subjects. The most remarkable accessions to the strength of Rome, by the aggregation of conquered and of nations, took place under the regal and patrician, we may add, the imperial government.—M. P. 21.-1. On the number of citizens in Athens, compare Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens (English Tr.), p. 45, et seq. Fynes Clinton, Essay in Fasti Hellenici, vol. i., 381.-M. P. 21.—T All these questions are placed in an entirely new point of view by Niebuhr (Römische Geschichte, vol. i., p. 464). He rejects the census of Servius Tullius as unhistoric, vol. ii., p. 78, et seq., and he establishes the principle that the census comrehended all the confederate cities which ad the right of Isopolity.—M. P. 22.- It may be doubted whether the municipal government of the cities was not the old Italian constitution rather than a transcript from that of Rome. The free government of the cities, observes Savigny, was the leading characteristic of Italy. Geschichte des Römischen Rechts, vol. i., p. 16.—M. P. 22.- Compare Denina, Revol. d'Italia, l. ii., c. 6, p. 100, 4to edit. P. 22.—f This is, perhaps, rather overstated. Most cities retained the choice of their municipal officers; some retained valuable privileges; Athens, for instance, in form, was still a confederate city. (Tac. Ann., ii., 53.) These privileges, indeed, depended entirely on the arbitrary will of the emperor, who revoked or restored them according to his caprice. See Walther, Geschichte des Römischen Rechts, vol. i., 324, an admirable summary of the Roman constitutional history.—M. P. 23.- The right of Latium conferred an exemption from the government of the Roman prefect. Strabo states this distinctly, l. iv., p. 295, edit. Casaub. See also Walther, p. 23.3—M. P. 24.—” Mr. Hallam contests this assertion as regards Britain. “Nor did the Romans ever establish their language, I know not whether they wished to do so, in this island, as we perceive by that stubborn British tongue which has survived two conquests.” In his note Mr. Hallam examines the passages from Tacitus (Agric. xxi.) to which Gibbon refers. It merely asserts the progress of Latin studies among the higher orders. Midd. Ages, vol. iii., 314. Probably it was a kind of court language and that of public affairs, and o: in the Roman colonies.—M. P.24.—t Causes seem to have beenplead

ed, even in the senate, in both languages. Wal. Max., loc. cit. Dion., l. lvii., c. *::: P. 25.—* It was this which rendered the wars so sanguinary and the battles so obstinate. The immortal Robertson, in an excellent discourse on the state of the world at the period of the establishment of Christianity, has traced a picture of the melancholy effects of slavery, in which we find all the depth of his views and the strength of his mind. I shall oppose successively some passages to the reflections of Gibbon. The reader will see, not without interest, the truths which Gibbon apo to have mistaken or voluntarily negected, developed by one of the best of modern historians. It is important to call them to mind here, in order to establish the facts and their consequences with accuracy. I shall more than once have occasion to employ for this purpose the discourse of Robertson. “Captives taken in war were, in all probability, the first persons subjected to perpetual servitude ; and when the necessities or luxury of mankind increased the demand for slaves, every new war recruited their number, by reducing the vanquished to that wretched condition. Hence proceeded the fierce and desperate spirit with which wars were carried on among ancient nations. While chains and slavery were the certain lot of the conquered, battles were sought and towns defended with a rage and obstinacy which nothing but horror at such a fate could have inspired; but, by putting an end to the cruel institution of slavery, Christianity extended its mild influences to the practice of war, and that barbarous art, softened by its humane spirit, ceased to be so destructive. Secure, in every event, of personal liberty, the resistance of the vanquished became less obstinate, and the triumph of the victor less cruel. Thus humanity was introduced into the exercise of war, with which it appears to be almost incompatible; and it is to the merciful maxims of Christianity, much more than to any other cause, that we must ascribe the little serocity and bloodshed which accompany modern victories.”—G. P. 25.-f Above one hundred thousand prisoners were taken in the Jewish war.— G. Hist. of Jews, vol. iii., 71. According to a tradition preserved by S. Jerom, after the insurrection in the time of Hadrian, they were sold as cheap as horses. Ibid., 124. Compare Blair on Roman Slavery, p. 19.—M. P. 25.-1 The following is the example: we shall see whether the word “severe” is here in its place. “At the time in which L. Domitius was prietor in Sicily, a slave

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