for such service. So much of such additional compensation as may be due to the employés of the Patent Office is to be paid out of the funds of that office. The resolution is not to apply to persons whose salaries as fixed by law exceed $2,500 per annum. No person who has served in the confederate army, so called, is to be entitled to the additional compensation. The resolution includes such persons as have been employed in any capacity in the Government Printing Office, or in any of the Departments, and the watchmen on the Dome of the Capitol and in the Capitol grounds, the inspector of marble, and the foreman of mechanics at work on the Capitol extension, and the watchmen on said extension, whether inside or out, and the employés of the jail; and it includes not only those now in the service, but those who have at any time during said year been in the service.

Mr. HOLMAN. I submit to my colleague that that proposition does not embrace the $900 female clerks. I hope he will modify it so as to embrace that class of clerks.

Mr. FARNSWORTH. I ask the gentleman to allow me to offer an amendment, to which there will be no objection.

Mr. WASHBURN, of Indiana. I insist on the demand for the previous question.

Mr. FARNSWORTH. Then I hope the previous question will be voted down.

The question was put on seconding the previous question; and there were-ayes 55;

noes 47.

Mr. FARNSWORTH demanded tellers. Tellers were ordered; and Messrs. FARNSWORTH, and WASHBURN of Indiana, were appointed.

The House divided; and the tellers reported-ayes 62, noes 55.

So the previous question was seconded. The question was upon ordering the main question; which was then taken.

Before the result was announced,

Mr. UPSON called for the yeas and nays. Mr. MULLINS. I move to lay the resolu tion on the table.

Mr. UPSON and Mr. BENJAMIN called for the yeas and nays upon the motion to lay the resolution on the table.

Mr. HARDING. I rise to a question of order.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman will state his point of order.

Mr. HARDING. I desire to know whether the mover of this joint resolution can accept such an amendment as will give those who now receive thirty dollars a month a yearly salary of $600?

The SPEAKER. That is not a parliamentary question which the Chair can entertain at this time.

Mr. HARDING. I want to know if the gentleman will accept such an amendment?

Mr. WASHBURN, of Indiana. I will inform the gentleman privately, if he will ask me.

Mr. UPSON. I withdraw the call for the yeas and nays upon ordering the main question. The main question was then ordered.

The SPEAKER. The question now is upon the motion to lay the joint resolution on the table; upon which the yeas and nays have been called.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question was then taken; and it was decided in the negative-yeas 55, nays 78, not voting 61; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Allison, Bailey, Baker, Beaman, Beatty, Beck, Benjamin. Benton, Boutwell, Buckland, Butler, Churchill, Reader W. Clarke, Coburn, Cook, Covode, Eggleston, Ela, Farnsworth, Ferriss, Fields, Halsey, Harding, Hawkins, Holman, Chester D. Hubbard, Hulburd, Judd, Kelsey, Ketcham, Koontz, Laflin, Loughridge, Marvin, Maynard, McCarthy, Mullins, Nunn, Pike, Pile, Polsley, Price, Sawyer, Scofield, Shanks, Aaron F. Stevens, Taylor, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam. Ward, Elihu B. Washburne, Welker, William Williams, and John T. Wilson-55.

NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Archer, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Axtell, Baldwin, Barnes, Bingham, Blair, Boyer, Barr, Cake, Cary, Cobb, Cornell, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, Ferry, Garfield, Glossbrenner, Golladay, Gravely, Grover, Higby, Hopkins, Hotchkiss, Humphrey, In

gersoll, Julian, Kitchen, Lincoln, Loan, Logan, Mallory, McCormick, Mercur, Miller, Moore, Morrell, Myers, Newcomb, Niblack. O'Neill, Paine, Peters, Phelps, Plants, Pomeroy, Pruyn, Raum, Robinson, Schenck, Shellabarger. Spalding, Starkweather, Thaddeus Stevens, Stewart, Stokes, Stone, Taber, Taffe, Thomas, Lawrence S. Trimble, Twichell, Robert T. Van Horn. Van Trump, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Henry D. Washburn, and Woodward-73.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Ames, Anderson, Arnell, Banks, Barnum, Blaine, Bromwell, Brooks, Broomall, Chanler, Sidney Clarke, Cullom, Dawes, Delano, Eldridge, Finney, Fox, Getz, Griswold, Haight, Hill, Hooper, Asahel W. Hubbard, Richard D. Hubbard, Hunter, Jenckes, Johnson, Jones, Kelley, Kerr, Knott, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Lynch, Marshall, McClurg, McCullough, Moorhead, Morrissey, Mungen, Nicholson, Orth, Perham, Poland, Randall, Robertson, Ross, Selye, Sitgreaves, Smith, John Trimble, Van Auken, Burt Van Horn, Van Wyck, William B. Washburn, Thomas Williams, James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Wood, and Woodbridge-61.

So the joint resolution was not laid on the table.

The question was upon ordering the joint resolution to be engrossed and read a third time.

The joint resolution was then ordered to be engrossed and read a third time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time.

The question was upon the passage of the joint resolution.

Mr. WASHBURN, of Indiana. Upon that question I call the previous question. Mr. MULLINS. I desire to offer an amendment to this joint resolution.

The SPEAKER. No amendment is now in order.

The previous question was then seconded and the main question ordered; which was upon the passage of the joint resolution.

Mr. WARD. Upon that question I ask for the yeas and nays.

The question was taken upon ordering the yeas and nays; and there were thirty-four in the affirmative.

So the affirmative being more than one fifth of the last vote the yeas and nays were or. dered.

The question was then taken; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 71, nays 59, not voting 59; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Archer, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Axtell, Baldwin, Banks, Barnes, Bingham, Blair, Boyer, Burr, Cake, Cary, Cobb, Cornell, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, Garfield, Glossbrenner, Golladay, Gravely, Higby, Hopkins, Hotchkiss, Humphrey, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Johnson, Julian, Kitchen, Lincoln, Loan, Logan, Mallory, McCormick, Miller, Moore, Morrell, Myers, Newcomb, O'Neill, Pirelps, Plants, Pomeroy, Pruyn, Randall, Raum, Robinson, Shellabarger, Spalding, Starkweather, Thaddeus Stevens, Stewart, Stokes, Stone, Taber, Taffe, Thomas, Twichell, Robert T. Van Horn, Van Trump. Cadwalader C. Washburn. Henry D. Washburn, Thomas Williams, and Woodward-71.

NAYS-Messrs. Allison, Bailey, Baker, Beaman, Beatty, Benjamin, Benton, Blaine, Boutwell, Buckland, Butler, Churchill, Reader W. Clarke, Coburn, Cook, Covode, Cullom, Eggleston, Ela, Farnsworth, Ferriss, Ferry, Fields, Grover, Halsey, Harding, Hawkins, Holman, Chester D. Hubbard, Hulburd, Judd, Kelsey, Ketcham, Koontz, Laflin, Loughridge, Lynch, Marvin, Maynard, McCarthy, Mullins. Nunn, Pike, Pile, Polsley, Price, Sawyer, Scofield, Shanks, Aaron F. Stevens, Taylor, Lawrence S. Trimble, Trowbridge, Upson, Ward, Elihu B. Washburne, Welker, William Wiliams, and John T. Wilson-59. NOT VOTING-Messrs. Ames, Arnell, Barnum, Beck, Bromwell, Brooks. Broomall, Chanler, Sidney Clarke, Dawes, Delano, Eldridge, Finney, Fox, Getz, Griswold, Haight, Hill, Hooper, Asahel W. Hubbard, Richard D. Hubbard, Hunter, Jones, Kelley, Kerr, Knott, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Marshall, McClurg, McCullough, Mercur, Moorhead, Morrissey, Mungen, Niblack, Nicholson, Orth, Paine, Perham, Peters, Poland, Robertson, Ross, Schenck, Selye, Sitgreaves, Smith, John Trimble, Van Aernam, Van Auken, Burt Van Horn, Van Wyck, William B. Washburn, James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom. Wood, and Woodbridge-59.

So the joint resolution was passed.

The announcement of the vote was greeted with applause by spectators in the gallery, which was promptly checked by the Speaker.

Mr. WASHBURN, of Indiana. I move to reconsider the vote by which the joint resolution was passed; and also move that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. On that motion I call for the yeas and nays.

Mr. WASHBURN, of Indiana. I withdraw the motion to reconsider.

TAXES ON WHISKY AND TOBACCO.

Mr. SHANKS. I submit the following resolution; on which I demand the previous question:

Resolved, That in the judgment of this House it will inflict a serious loss upon the national revenues to delay the revision of the taxes on distilled spirits and tobacco until the same can be accomplished by a general revision of the entire internal revenuesystem; and the Committee of Ways and Means is hereby instructed to report without delay a separate bill for the revision of the taxes on the manufacture and sale of distilled spirits and tobacco.

Mr. SCHENCK. I hope there will be no attempt to force through such a resolution as this without hearing from the Committee of Ways and Means.

The SPEAKER. Debate is not in order. Mr. MAYNARD. Cannot this proposition be debated?

The SPEAKER. It cannot, while the call for the previous question is pending.

The previous question was seconded; there being-ayes 62, noes 43.

The question being, Shall the main question be now put?

Mr. PILE moved that the resolution be laid on the table.

Mr. SCHENCK. On that motion I call for the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question was taken; and it was decided in the negative-yeas 60, nays 79, not voting 50; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Allison, Anderson, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Bailey, Baker, Banks, Beatty, Boutwell, Cake, Reader W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Coburn, Cook, Cornell, Cullom, Eckley, Eggleston, Ela, Farnsworth, Garfield, Gravely, Griswold, Higby, Hooper, Hopkins, Chester D. Hubbard, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Judd, Kitchen, Loan, Logan, McClurg, Miller, Morrell, Mullins, Myers, Newcomb, O'Neill, Paine, Phelps, Pile, Polsley, Pomeroy, Raum, Sawyer. Schenck, Aaron F. Stevens, Stewart, Stokes, Taffe, Taylor, Twichell, Robert T. Van Horn, Henry D. Washburn, Welker, Thomas Williams, and John T. Wilson-60.

NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Archer, Axtell, Barnes, Beaman, Beck, Benjamin, Benton, Bingham, Blaine, Blair, Boyer, Buckland, Burr, Butler, Cary, Covocê, Dawes, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Eliot, Ferriss, Ferry, Fields, Glossbrenner, Golladay, Grover, Halsey, Harding, Hawkins, Holman, Hotchkiss, Hulburd, Humphrey, Johnson, Julian, Kelsey, Knott, Koontz, Ladin, Lincoln, Loughridge, Lynch, Mallory, Marvin, Maynard, McCarthy, McCormick, Mercur, Moore, Nunn, Peters. Pike, Plants, Price, Pruyn, Randall, Robinson, Scofield, Shanks, Shellabarger, Spalding, Stark weather, Thaddeus Stevens, stone, Taber, Thomas, Lawrence S. Trimble, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Van Trump, Ward, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Elihu B. Washburne, William Williams, and Woodward-79.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Ames, Arnell, Baldwin, Barnum, Bromwell, Brooks, Broomall, Chanter, Churchill, Delano, Eldridge, Finney, Fox, Getz, Haight, Hill, Asahel W. Hubbard, Richard D. Hlubbard, Hunter, Jones, Kelley, Kerr, Ketcham, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Marshall, McCullough, Moorhead, Morrissey, Mungen, Niblack, Nicholson, Orth, Perham, Poland, Robertson, Ross, Selye, Sitgreaves, Smith, John Trimble, Van Auken, Burt Van Horn, Van Wyck, William B. Washburn, James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Wood, and Woodbridge-50.

Mr. MAYNARD. I move to reconsider the vote by which the House has refused to lay the resolution on the table; and on that motion I call for the yeas and nays.

Mr. TROWBRIDGE. I move that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

Mr. MAYNARD. I have not yielded the floor.

Mr. SCHENCK. I rise to a privileged question.

Mr. MAYNARD. I have not yielded the floor. Mr. Speaker, am I not entitled to be heard on the motion I have made?

The SPEAKER. The gentleman is not. The question is undebatable.

Mr. MAYNARD. Then I yield the floor to the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. SCHENCK.]

Mr. SCHENCK. I move to reconsider the vote by which the previous question was seconded. I desire to know whether this House will summarily lay aside the tax bill, upon which so much labor has been expended, without hearing the nine gentlemen who, as the Committee of Ways and Means, have been charged with the preparation of that bill.

The SPEAKER. Debate is not in order,
Mr. SCHENCK. I know it is not; but I

must protest against the committee being choked down without an opportunity to make an explanation.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman is not in order.

Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. We have vored away about two million dollars to give extra pay to the clerks in the Departments, and I am opposed to remaining here to impose additional taxes on the people to pay that extra allowance.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illi

nois is not in order.

Mr. MAYNARD. I have made a motion to reconsider the vote by which the House refused to lay the resolution on the table; and, on that motion I call for the yeas and nays.

The SPEAKER. The yeas and nays cannot be taken on reconsidering the vote by which the previous question was seconded, because the vote on seconding the previous question cannot be taken by yeas and nays.

Mr. MAYNARD. My motion is to reconsider the vote on laying on the table.

The SPEAKER. Did the gentleman vote with the majority?

Mr. MAYNARD. I did. I changed my vote for the purpose of making this motion.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman moves to reconsider the vote by which the House refused to lay the resolution on the table.

Mr. MAYNARD. Am I not entitled to the floor on that?

The SPEAKER. You are not, for two reasons. The notion to reconsider the vote refusing to lay the resolution on the table is not debatable, nor is the motion to lay on the table debatable.

Mr. MAYNARD. I demand the yeas and

nays.

Mr. SPALDING. I move that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

Mr. MAYNARD. I demand the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 71, nays 62, not voting 56; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Archer. Axtell, Barnes, Beaman, Beck, Benjamin, Blaine, Blair, Boyer, Buckland, Burr, Butler, Cary, Covode, Dawes, Delano, Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Eliot, Ferriss, Ferry, Fields, Glossbrenner, Golladay, Grover, Halsey, Harding, Hawkins, Holman, Hotchkiss, Hulburd, Humphrey, Johnson, Julian, Kelsey, Knott, Koontz, Laflin, Lincoln, Loughridge, Lynch, Mallory, Marvin, McCarthy, MeCormick, Mercur, Moore, Peters, Price, Pruyn, Randall, Robiason, Stanks, Shellabarger, Spalding, Starkweather, Thaddeus Stevens, Stone, Taber, Thomas, Lawrence S. Trimble, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Van Trump, Ward, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Elihu B.Washburne, and Woodward-71. NAYS-Messrs. Allison, Anderson, Delos R.Ashley, James M. Ashley, Bailey, Baker, Banks, Beatty, Benton, Bingham, Boutwell, Cake, Reader W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Coburn, Cook, Cornell, Cullom, Eckley, Eggleston, Eta, Farnsworth, Garfield, Griswold, Higby, Hooper, Hopkins, Chester D. Hubbard, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Judd, Kiteben, Loan, Logan, Maynard, McClurg, Miller, Morrell, Mullins, Myers, Newcomb, Niblack. O'Neill, Paine, Pile, Plants, Polsley, Pomeroy, Raum, Sawyer, Schenck, Aaron F. Stevens, Stewart, Stokes, Taffe, Taylor, Twichell, Robert T. Van Horn, Welker, Thomas Williams, and William Williams--62.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Ames, Arnell, Baldwin, Barnum, Bromwell, Brooks, Broomall, Chanler, Churchill, Driggs, Eldridge, Finney, Fox, Getz, Gravely. Haight, Hill, Asabel W. Hubbard, Richard D. Hubbard, Hunter, Jones, Kelley, Kerr, Ketcham, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Marshall, McCullough, Moorhead, Morrissey, Mungen, Nicholson, Nunu, Orth, Perham, Phelps, Pike, Poland, Robertson, Ross, Scofield, Selye, Sitgreaves, Smith, John Trimble, Van Auken, Burt Van Horn, Van Wyck, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Washburn, James F.Wilson, John T. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Wood, and Woodbridge-56.

So the motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

Mr. SCHENCK. I move to reconsider the vote by which the previous question was seconded. I want to see whether this House will accept any explanation. [Cries of "Order!"]

Mr. MAYNARD. Imake another motion. I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. That comes from the Committee of Ways and Means. Mr. MAYNARD. I give notice[Cries of "Order!"]

The SPEAKER. If gentlemen persist in speaking when called to order, the Chair will be compelled to bring the matter to the notice of the House.

Mr. FARNSWORTH. I ask that the Committee of Ways and Means have five minutes for explanation.

Mr. HARDING. I object.

Mr. SCHENCK. I ask for the yeas and nays on the adjournment. If the House adjourns the Committee of Ways and Means, being refused any opportunity of explanation upon this floor in relation to the condition of the bill and how speedily we may have action on it, we may be able to reach the country through the public press. [Cries of "Order !''] The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question was taken; and it was decided in the negative-yeas 20, nays 104, not voting 65; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Blair, Boyer, Cake, Sidney Clarke, Cook, Cornell, Ferriss, Glossbrenner, Harding, Judd, Kitchen, Niblack, O'Neill, Polsley, Randall, Aaron F. Stevens, Robert T. Van Horn, William Williams, and John T. Wilson-20.

NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Allison, Archer, Delos R. Ashley, Axtell, Bailey, Baker, Barnes, Beaman, Beatty, Beck, Benjamin, Benton, Boutwell, Buckland, Burr. Butler.Cary,Churchill, Reader W.Clarke, Cobb Coburn.Covode, Cullom, Dawes, Delano, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eggleston, Ela, Eliot, Farnsworth, Ferry, Fields, Garfield, Golladay, Gravely, Grover, Halsey, Higby, Holman, Hopkins, Hotchkiss, Chester D Hubbard, Hulburd, Humphrey, Johnson, Julian, Kelsey, Knott, Koontz, Laflin, Lincoln, Loan, Loughridge, Lynch, Mallory, Marvin, Maynard, McCarthy, McClurg, McCormick, Mercur, Miller, Moore, Morrell, Mullins, Myers, Newcomb, Paine, Peters, Pile, Plants, Pomeroy, Price, Pruyn, Raum, Sawyer, Scofield, Shanks, Shellabarger, Spalding, Starkweather, Thaddeus Stevens, Stewart, Stokes, Taber, Taffe, Taylor, Thomas, Lawrence S. Trimble, Trowbridge, Twichell, Upson, Van Aernam, Van Trump, Ward, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Elihu B. Washburne, Henry D. Washburn, Welker, and Woodward-104.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Ames, Arnell, James M. Ashley, Baldwin, Banks, Barnum, Bingham, Blaine, Bromwell, Brooks, Broomall, Chanler, Dixon, Eldridge, Finney, Fox, Getz, Griswold, Haight, Hawkius, Hill, Hooper, Asahel W. Hubbard, Richard D. Hubbard, Hunter, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Jones, Kelley, Kerr, Ketcham, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Logan, Marshall, McCullough, Moorhead, Morrissey, Mungen, Nicholson, Nuun, Orth, Perham, Phelps, Pike, Poland, Robertson, Robinson, Ross, Schenck, Selye, Sitgreaves, Smith, Stone, John Trimble, Van Auken, Burt Van Horn, Van Wyck, William B. Washburn, Thomas Williams, James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Wood, and Woodbridge-65.

So the House refused to adjourn.

The question recurred on reconsidering the vote by which the previous question was seconded.

Mr. SCHENCK. On that I ask for tellers. Tellers were ordered.

Mr. PILE. I think there will be no objec tion to the chairman of the committee being heard fifteen minutes.

Mr. BUTLER. I will consent, provided somebody may be allowed the same time to

answer.

Mr. BENJAMIN. I object.

Mr. STEVENS, of Pennsylvania. I move to lay on the table the motion to reconsider. Mr. SCHENCK. Can the yeas and nays be called on that motion?

The SPEAKER. They cannot.

Mr. SCHENCK. Then I ask for tellers. Tellers were ordered; and the Chair appointed Messrs. SCHENCK and SHANKS.

The House divided; and the tellers reported-ayes 63, noes 52.

The question recurred on ordering the main question.

Mr. SCHENCK. I demand the yeas and

nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

Mr. MAYNARD. I move that the House take a recess till half past seven o'clock this evening.

The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks that motion in order. The only doubt the Chair has is that the House is acting under the previous question. The Clerk will read the rule in relation to recess.

The Clerk read as follows:

"Where it is convenient that the business of the House be suspended for a short time, as for a conference presently to be held, &c., it adjourns during

pend the rule to allow the Committee of Ways and Means to be heard a few minutes be in order?

The SPEAKER. That motion will be in order, because the rule in regard to suspending the rules applies on Monday to anything before the House at the time.

Mr. SCOFIELD. I make that motion. Mr. BUTLER. Add to it that those opposed may have an equal length of time.

The SPEAKER. The motion to suspend the rules will not be in order till after the vote is taken on the motion to take a recess.

Mr. MAYNARD. I withdraw the motion for a recess.

Mr. SCOFIELD. I then move to suspend the rules to allow the Committee of Ways and Means half an hour to speak upon the original motion, to refer this subject back to the com mittee, and also to allow the friends of the motion fifteen minutes in addition.

Mr. STEVENS, of Pennsylvania. I move to amend the motion by saying half an hour to each side.

The SPEAKER. The motion to suspend the rules cannot be amended.

Mr. SCOFIELD. I will modify my motion in the way suggested by my colleague, so as to allow the friends of the motion half an hour.

The question being taken on suspending the rules, it was agreed to-ayes 76, noes 36; two thirds having voted in the affirmative.

Mr. SCHENCK. Mr. Chairman, I do not desire to go on myself. After hearing what gentlemen have to say in opposition, I will allow some of my colleagues on the committee to reply.

Mr. BUTLER. I rise to a point of order in regard to the debate. As this is an argument upon the pending motion of the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. SHANKS,] I desire to inquire whether it is for the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means to close the debate, or for those to whom he shall give the time allowed to the committee?

The SPEAKER. The order of the House controls that question. The rules having been suspended, whatever usage may prevail on that subject is also suspended. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. SCOFIELD] will correct the Chair if he is wrong, but he understood the motion to be to allow a half an hour to the Committee of Ways and Means, and a half an hour in reply to those who are in favor of the pending resolution.

Mr. SCOFIELD. I think that was the way the motion was made.

Mr. SCHENCK. Any way the House pleases. Mr. Speaker, after the decisive vote that was given the other day when an attempt was made to resist going into Committee of the Whole to consider this bill at all, I supposed we had passed the point and had reached that view and condition of the subject that the House, or at least all on this side of the House, would unite in endeavoring to push this bill through and perfect it in such a manner as to be able at the earliest possible time to send it to the Senate. I have looked at that vote, and find in it that which part surprises me, and that which does not. At that time the House decided to go on with the bill by a vote of 82 against 57. Seventy-five of the eighty-two were Republicans in this House. Of the fifty-seven nearly one half were Democrats. Nearly every Democrat voted against it with the exception of two gentlemen who vote with us and sustain us, being members of the Committee of Ways and Means, and having devoted their time to this whole matter-the gentleman from New York [Mr. BROOKS] and the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. NIBLACK.] With these two exceptions, nearly every Democrat, except four or five, voted not to go on with this business.

I could understand that, because these gentlemen have not the responsibility that I had supposed the Republican party felt in the legislation in which we are engaged. Gentlemen of the Republican party will say, however, that their object is not to shirk this responsibility, but to reach such a position of things that we may meet the most crying demands of the country, legislate in regard to tobacco and distilled spirits, and leave everything to await future legislation that concerns other matters connected with the public revenue. The first reply I have to make in behalf of the Committee of Ways and Means to that, is this: we have spent I need not say how laboriously more than five months in preparing the bill. We have had before us hundreds and thousands of persons representing all the various interests of the country in relation to these subjects. We have attempted to present a bill which should be an entirety, a bill which should cover the whole ground, and a bill which, considering all subjects, as well those continued, those changed, and those released from burdens, would in the aggregate give us means to support and carry on the Government by supply- || ing sufficient revenue. It is proposed now to break the entirety of this bill, and to confine the attention of Congress to legislating only upon distilled spirits and tobacco. And when is that motion inade? Why, when in the bill before us, we have passed over one hundred and seventy-six pages of it and there are little more than the same number, perhaps, remaining, being almost entirely made up of these subjects of tobacco and distilled spirits. And the fact is, as I feel free to explain to the House, that this very morning, having taken up the bill at the point at which it was left on Saturday by the House, we find that the next subject is lotteries." We do not suppose that, so far as lotteries and theaters are concerned, there is really any disposition to legislate, not in accord with the committee in their behalf, and that from these things a little more revenue might be raised. Yet these are to be cut off.

We come next to mineral oils. After full discussion of that subject, hearing, as we are accustomed to do, all the interests of the country, and after considerable deliberation, the committee have come to the conclusion to move to strike out all the sections in relation to mineral oils excepting the one hundred and thirty-second section, which provides against explosive compounds, and leave mineral oils among the general manufactures of the coun. try relating to useful articles. That would have disposed of fourteen pages more of the bill. And then, after a few minutes more of work, I feel warranted in saying to the House and the country less than half the bill would have remained. And that remaining portion, with the exception of incomes and legacies, where very little change is made from the present law, and no changes except such as have been suggested by members of the House, and on which we find there will be general concur. rence-nearly the whole of that remaining portion of the bill is made up of the two subjects of tobacco and its manufactures and distilled spirits.

Just when the House has reached these subjects. just when we stand before the country ready to take up these matters and dispose of them, having completed the rest of our work, and being ready to report it to the House to be put upon its passage, we find this exhibition of opposition made here; made with the concurrence, I admit, of nearly the united Democratic party here, and made also, to our surprise, with the concurrence of about one third or a little more of the members on this side of the House with whom we are accustomed to act.

Now, sir, it must be obvious that there is some reason underneath all this which the Committee of Ways and Means cannot comprehend. What is it? Gentlemen think in good faith, as I am bound to believe, that a bill might be brought in relating to the subjects

of tobacco and distilled spirits, short, brief, covering all the ground necessary upon these subjects, and passed through the House and Senate, so that we may speedily go home.

Now, I undertake to say, in the first place, that a very large proportion of this bill in rela tion to those two subjects, although made up of various details in relation to the mode of collecting the taxes, and the mode of preventing frauds, almost all those details must neces sarily be incorporated in any bill that may be passed upon this subject. Even if we should report a bill upon those subjects alone, we should feel compelled, with the views we have acquired after months of examination, to retain those features to a very great extent. We should do this, whether the tax on whisky be put up or down; and I have before notified the House that the impression of the members of the Committee of Ways and Means, or a majority ofthem, is that the tax on whisky ought to be very materially reduced. In either case, however, we should have to retain pretty much all of this matter of details in the bill.

What more? If gentlemen will study this bill they will find that we must retain about one half of all that portion of the bill which we have already gone over; because we have undertaken not only to reform the provisions of the present law in relation to frauds in the collection of taxes upon particular subjects, but we have gone into the whole administrative department of the bureau or department, whatever it may be made, for the collection of internal revenue, with a few to simplifying it upon the one hand and making it more efficient upon the other. And I would scarcely give you a snap of my finger for all in this bill in relation to distilled spirits and tobacco and its manufactures, however valuable I think that matter is, unless you connect with it certain administrative sections, running all through this bill, and intended to make possible the collection of such taxes as you may impose.

Take a single illustration, the matter of revenue stamps. I have the utmost confidence in the integrity and earnestness of the present Commissioner of Internal Revenue, however some gentlemen may possibly differ in relation to his energy and decision of character, and whether he has been sharp enough in defending himself against influences of a political character in the one direction, which hamper and prevent his usefulness, or against the frauds in another direction which are practiced. But while I have that confidence in him, let me say to this House and to the country, that we found in the present law, among other things, that there was no check whatever upon the subject of the issuing of revenue and other stamps; and that while the Commissioner was putting three or four or five million dollars' worth of stamps upon the markets of the country through official channels, he might, if he had been so disposed, put one or two or three million dollars' worth of stamps on the market on his own motion and pocket the proceeds. Now, we have attempted through checks to remedy all that by requiring all the stamps manufactured and issued under the direction of the Treasury Department to be issued to and charged as money against the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, and to be issued by him to and charged against all the other officers of the law engaged in the business. But I give this only as an illustration.

I say that all through this bill there are, as we confidently believe, many eminent reforms made, to which in great part we have now had the assent of this House, and which are essentially necessary, if you are going to collect your tax even upon distilled spirits and

tobacco.

But after all our labor in the presentation of the subject in the House, we are met by an attempt to get away from it. I inquire again, why this feeling? A little while ago, within three days past, I was glad to feel myself sustained, not only by the vote that was taken a week ago, but by expressions in harmony with that vote made by members all around this

Hall, including some who are now voting to give the whole subject the go-by. What has influenced them? I speak with the utmost respect when I say (not speaking of the action of the Senate) that Senators have been very busy in representing to members of this House that if the bill revising the whole revenue law be passed as an entirety and sent to them they cannot afford to take the respousibility of cutting it down to a partial bill upon particular subjects, but must go through the whole of it, and that thus the House and the Senate may be kept here until perhaps the end of August. Well, sir, so far as I am concerned, I am not going to legislate with reference to the opinions of the Senate or of Senators. I shall endeavor, as a member of this House and a Representative of the country, to do what the people expect and demand and what is right to be done in regard to a revision of the taxes, and I will let those at the other end of the Capitol take the responsibility of their own action. But I say that, after the bill has been matured first by the Committee of Ways and Means, then subjected to the criticism of all parties interested in its various parts who have come before us since it was put in print and sent out to the world, and then, under the light of those criticisms, amended in the House and perfected so far as this House is able to perfect it, there is no reason why the labor of the Senate should be so long and so exhausting either upon their time and attention or upon the time of gentlemen here who are anxious to get away.

Now, then, one word (which I wish also to go to the country) in behalf of the Committee of Ways and Means. During fourteen years' service in Congress I have never known a committee (and in this I am to be understood as speaking of other gentlemen, and not myself) who labored so persistently, so continuously, in season and out of season, by night and by day, meeting every day, not excepting a half dozen days, for four or five months past, as the Committee of Ways and Means have done. And this bill is the work they have presented.

Now, sir, while the impeachment trial was going on, while members around me (and I see dozens of such) were at home with their families, and while since then, since we have taken up this bill, members whom I see. before me were at home looking after their nominations or something else, this committee has stayed here and worked on; and (I say it in no offensive sense) the very gentleman who is the medium for presenting this morning this resolution to give the bill the go-by has, I believe, been at home, looking after his interests there, and was not here the other day to vote upon the bill. I do not know how much time he has been here since the bill has been going on in Committee of the Whole; he can explain for himself. I mean nothing offensive in the allusion; but I say that the opposition to the consideration of the bill comes in great part (and I speak of what I know the record shows) from gentlemen who have been enjoying days and weeks, perhaps in some instances nearly months, of leisure at their homes with their families and about their private business, while we have been working on and on every day, and almost every night.

I do not say this in praise of the work that we present. That must be taken for what it is worth. It must be taken on its merits. But I say that when we are half through that work, and more than half through, when we have reached just those subjects of distilled spirits and tobacco, leaving little or nothing that will cost more than a few hours' labor except those very subjects which are made the occasion of offering this resolution, it does not look well; and it shall be understood by the country-for I now proclaim it-that there is an attempt made to throw us back upon a condition of things which will require that another week or more shall be employed by the committee in putting together all the different parts of the bill necessary to help out the collection of the tax upon these objects. And I want that

particular fact specially noted. I have already explained that there are pages upon tobacco, there are pages upon distilled spirits, but we cannot present anything like a perfect or consistent bill unless we add to those parts section after section to be culled out, rearranged, and modified from other parts of the bill, now relating to all subjects which are to be objects of administrative law, but which must then be so fashioned as to apply particularly and only to these, but which must be put into the bill even if they do apply only to these.

To do that work will require the committee, in my belief, as long or near as long, I believe quite as long, if they do their work well and properly, as it will require to go through with this bill in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. I give it not only as my own opinion, but as the opinion of the Committee of Ways and Means. And I know what I say. I give it as the opinion of the committee, with all the good faith to go at this work and do what we can, we cannot prepare such a bill as you will instruct us to bring in under about the same time it will take us to go through with the remainder of the bill.

In order to lighten the labor of the Committee of the Whole on the subject of tobacco we have been in session an hour and a half before you, gentlemen, who are now opposing this bill, thought it necessary to come here. We have been here since half past ten o'clock this morning; and there are now delegations from different traders and manufacturers of tobacco waiting in the cominittee-room with whom we have not finished. We have been running backward and forward, as well as we could, between the House and the committee-room, attending to our votes here while endeavoring to carry on our action there. The result of the discussion this morning is that the criticisms provoked from the tobacco trade and tobacco manufacturers represented in the various branches of the trade by the publication of our bill have been met and considered, and we are ready to present such questions to the House for their consideration as will provide modifications or amendments to be made so far as that interest is concerned.

And, sir, the same thing is true in regard to distilled spirits. We have notified gentlemen to appear before us to-morrow and next day with a view to meeting their criticisms and listening patiently to what they have to suggest, so we may collect the revenue which the Government ought to have and at the same time provide no injustice shall be done to any citizen.

But in the midst of this we are to be set at a different work; in the midst of this we are to be thrown back to begin again; in the midst of this we are to take up this bill, repair to our committee-room, and in the hour or so we can get each morning before we come to attend to our business here set ourselves to work to bring in the two subjects in one bill which these gentlemen think ought alone to be put into this bill-something about distilled spirits and something on the subject of tobacco, and as we say it must also give us something which will provide the necessary machinery and administrative sections to secure the collection of the taxes you want to derive from these sources.

Mr. Speaker, I could talk a long time upon this subject if I were so disposed, and longer than the time allowed me; but I think I shall not extend my remarks further.

Mr. GARFIELD. I wish to ask the gentleman a question.

Mr. SCHENCK. I will yield for that

object of the resolution better than the adoption of the pending resolution.

Mr. SCHENCK. I think what I have said leaves that fairly to be inferred. That certainly is my opinion. I say we cannot get back such a bill as these gentleman ask for in much less time than it will take to go through this bill now just as it is; and I say if we are to go at that work after this bill has left this House, then in the House committee we can do it as well as between now and then. It seems to be a difficulty that Senators have said they will not take the responsibility of cutting down the bill in that way, and therefore out of great respect for those Senators, and for fear that the Senate will keep us here a long time, we must accommodate our views to theirs, and take upon ourselves the labor of presenting a half bill instead of leaving it to the other branch of Congress.

Now sir, I do not believe that it will take any such time as has been spoken of. How much time has been occupied on this subject? There was the DELANO and Morgan case. There were various occasions when reports were made from the managers, and Mr. Woolley was brought before us. There have been questions from the Committee on Appropriations brought in from time to time. There have been various other incidental matters cutting down the time allowed us since the first day of this month when we first took up this bill in the House, besides the time allowed for general debate, so that we have not had five whole days on this bill this far. I do not think we have had more than four. And yet we have gone half through the bill.

The

When I predicted that we could go through this bill in three weeks gentlemen said oh, if that were possible they were willing to go on; but they thought it would take nearer three months. Sir, suppose we have used two weeks. House will understand that another week most probably, if gentlemen will stay here and keep a quorum, will do the work. I admit that we must have the presence of members. I admit that members must not go away and break up a quorum and then come back and try to break down the bill. That will not answer. But if we can have a quorum here, a working majority, I say that in all human probability-and what we have done already proves that I am right in my prediction-a week will finish the bill. That is the declaration which I now make in the presence of the House and the country.

Again, I say if this bill gets the go-by, and if in consequence of the action pursued here we are delayed in any way hereafter, it must be remembered who takes the responsibility. It is the Democratic party, almost to a man, with about one third of the Republican party. I cannot tell what the vote has been to-day. It has not been so strongly in the direction of sustaining the bill, so far as Republicans are concerned, for fewer of them have sustained it to-day. But the vote the other day was eightytwo for going on with the bill, consisting of seventy-five Republicans and seven Democrats; while against going on with the bill there were thirty-four Republicans and twenty-three Democrats. That is more than two to one of the Republicans in favor of going on. A little more than one third of the Republicans, uniting with nearly the whole of the Democrats, voted against going on with this work. To-day the proportion is pretty nearly the same.

I wish it to be understood, then, that so far as the Committee of Ways and Means are concerned we are sustained by the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. NIBLACK,] the gentleman from New York, [Mr. BROOKS,] who have stood with us faithfully and manfully on this subject; but with those exceptions nearly the undivided Democracy goes with a portion of the Republican party, and there is no escaping from the conclusion that while the majority of those who feel the responsibility because they represent the party that is in the majority of the House are waiting and anxious to go on, less than a majority are uniting with the Democrats

Mr. MAYNARD. I desire to obtain the floor simply to say that in the statement of the facts relating to the action of the committee, as they have been presented by the chairman of the committee, he has not done more than justice to the committee, while, so far as he himself is concerned, he has failed to do justice to his own labors. For, instead of five months, I think the Calendar will show it is nearer seven. By an assiduity of labor that I have never seen equaled in my experience, this bill has been discussed, its provisions examined one by one, and this is the result of the labor; and I fully concur in what the chairman has stated, that to take out of this bill the subjects of tobacco and distilled spirits, and to introduce them with those provisions of the law which relate to collecting the duty upon them, and adapt them to the present law as it is-to bring this new cloth into old garments-will only operate to make the rent worse. It will require a vast amount of labor, and that labor will not accomplish what is hoped, expected, and believed can be accomplished by this bill. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. NIBLACK.]

Mr. NIBLACK. Mr. Speaker, I have voted all the while in favor of the proposition to go on with this bill since the motion to postpone it has been submitted. I have done so, in the first place, because I am a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, which reported it, and because I believe that it is only proper courtesy on my part to sustain the committee in a matter of this kind. But I have done it for the additional reason that I think there is much legislation needed upon the subject of internal revenue taxes, some of which, at least, we may be able to accomplish by passing this bill. But I am the more particularly anxious that this proposition to postpone, or in other words to emasculate the bill, shall not succeed for the reason that I think it will result in a positive loss of time to this House and to this Congress. As has been well said by the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, we cannot mature a new bill in perhaps less than a week so as to meet the requirements of the resolution now pending. If we should go on with the consideration of the bill, I think we could in that time dispose of it so far as the House is concerned, and we would, therefore, be rid of the question by about the time which will be required for the committee to prepare a new bill as instructed by this resolution. It may be that the Senate, when this bill should reach it, if it ever shall, will decide to take out so much of it as relates to whisky and tobacco, and send it back in this amended form. If so, the responsibility will be upon the Senate, and it will then be a matter of economy of time, perhaps, for them to do so, if they shall so resolve. But for the House to adopt that course, and attempt now to separate some sections of the bill and pass a portion of them, I think would result in an absolute loss of time, and looking to that, and to that alone, I am earnestly opposed to this proposition to postpone the further considera

tion of the bill.

The SPEAKER. The half hour assigned to the Committee of Ways and Means has expired, and the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. SHANKS,] the mover of the resolution, is entitled to the floor.

Mr. SCHENCK. Before the gentleman proceeds I desire to say that if I was mistaken in what I said in regard to him, I will withdraw it. I believe the gentleman got an indefinite leave of absence, and was away for ten or fifteen days, and has only been here for the last two or three days. I believe he was not here when the bill was taken up, nor when the motion to postpone was made by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. BUTLER.] He can correct me if I am wrong.

Mr. SHANKS. I do not feel that that is a subject for consideration at present, and while I have the highest regard for the opinions of others, I must say that it is the legitimate duty of every member upon this floor to speak to the business of the House, and not to individuals. I know it is an easy thing to say that you will go to the country and hold members responsible before the country for what they do here. I am responsible to the country for what I do, and I stand before my people to speak for them. I have been with my people; and I now say to you, sir, and to this House, in all kindness, that I think if the gentleman from Ohio had been among his people he would have learned something better than to stand here to-day and say to me what he has said on this question. I do not introduce this resolution for the purpose of hurting the feelings or assailing the judgment or impugning the integrity of any man or set of men.

I have the highest regard for the opinions of the Committee of Ways and Means, and I am glad that they have discussed and examined these matters. But if it is true that they have spent so much time and exercised so much care and deliberation in determining for themselves with such precision the importance and correct ness of this work, it certainly cannot be true that they will be so much troubled to take out of the bill and make a simple proposition the provisions in relation to the articles which I have named. If the matter has been so thoroughly considered it cannot be difficult to take from the bill these particular provisions and bring them before the House for immediate action. Now, I do not wish to do anything against the bill. I do not know but that it is correct. I do not assail the bill or the committee that reported it. But it must be known to every member, unless he has been so absorbed in the business in hand as to know nothing of what is passing around him, that the Senate of the United States, of which I speak with all deference and respect, is at least not a rapidly moving body. How long it will take them to pass the bill I do not know. The House is occupying some three or four weeks with it, and we do not manifest a great deal of dignity in the discharge of our duties. Sometimes men who manifest more dignity do not move as fast as we do.

Now, Mr. Speaker, it is said that I left this House on a leave of absence. I did, sir; but that has nothing to do with this matter. I returned to this House again in due time. The gentleman seems to think that I do not know what was going on here, because I was not in the House. Let me say to him that I know what is going on here although I am not here, and so do the people of the country, although they are not here.

They know there is formed in this country to-day a whisky ring, as it is called, because the tax on whisky is so high that they can afford to form and keep in operation that ring. They have banded themselves together and have wrenched from the people the taxes upon distilled spirits, and have used them for the manipulation of the very elements against which the country ought to be protected. And the people now demand that that tax shall be reduced so that the great inducement for these frauds may be removed.

The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. SCHENCK] says that the record upon this matter must go to the country. Sir, I want it to go to the country. And if men propose to attack in this way those who differ from them concerning the business of this House, let it also be borne in mind that the people will hold responsible those who will not act in such a way as at once to wrench from the hands of these men the means by which they now despoil the country. I want that to go to the country also.

There is another thing I desire to speak about. It was said by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. SCHENCK] that I was the medium by which this resolution was brought before the House. Now, sir, that was at least unkind. I have not called the gentleman the medium of the views of the · 40TH CONG. 2D SESS.-No. 199.

Committee of Ways and Means. I am not the medium of anything but the wishes of my constituents. I speak and act for them, and I will always do it here and elsewhere. It is for the people I represent that I speak and act. And though I will overlook the remark of the gen. tleman, I still think it was unkind, and was a remark which should not have been made by a member of his age and experience.

Mr. SCHENCK. I hope the gentleman will not misunderstand me.

Mr. SHANKS. I do not misunderstand the gentleman.

Mr. SCHENCK. I understood the gentleman to represent a sentiment entertained by a number of persons, and I supposed the gentleman was the medium through which that sentiment was expressed.

Mr. SHANKS. The resolution is the medium of that sentiment, and is clearly expressed. Mr. SCHENCK. It was not introduced without consultation, I suppose.

Mr. SHANKS. I consulted with my people, and I understand the resolution to express their sentiments.

Now, Mr. Speaker, if the Committee of Ways and Means have considered this matter thoroughly, and come to a conclusion as to the best thing that should be done in regard to it, why do they throw themselves back upon their dignity and refuse to act upon the matter again? I understood the chairman of the committee to say that the committee could not—perhaps he said they would not-act upon this measure. Now, I think it is the duty of the committee to act upon any measure this House may direct them to consider. And when they will not do that, then I think it will be highly proper that they should cease to be members of a House whose orders they will not obey. The country will hold those men responsible who throw themselves back on their dignity and say, will not act, because our judgment in this matter has not been considered."

We

Mr. SCHENCK. We do not say that. Mr. SHANKS. Iintroduced this resolution in good faith, and will stand by it. I now yield the remainder of my time, except five minutes, to the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. BUTLER.]

The SPEAKER. There are twenty-two minutes of the gentleman's half hour remaining. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. BUTLER] will be entitled to the floor for seventeen minutes.

Mr. BUTLER. I am sorry, Mr. Speaker, that the debate in this case has gone to the prejudices rather than to the merits of this question. The question of the votes of gentlemen, in conjunction with others, if they vote according to their conscience, I trust will never be brought up. And that we are to be frightened from our propriety because gentlemen of the Democratic party see fit to vote with us is a new party lash which I never understood was put on before.

Mr. SCHENCK made some remark not audible to the reporter.

Mr. BUTLER. I do not care to have a running debate with the gentleman in his seat. As I said, this is a new party lash. Now, I find upon an examination of the record of the last vote that ity-three Republicans voted with me, and fifty-eight voted with the gentleman from Ohio. The gentleman had to aid him a mutual admiration society of eight members, forming, with himself, what is commonly called "the Committee of Ways and Means," each of whom gets up here and tells us what all the others have done. According to their account there never before was so much work, so much virtue, so much vigilance and devotion to the public interest, as found in that committee.

Now, I did not intend to say one word on this subject, because I know that this committee has, as I have heretofore said, worked well, and nothing is to be said against them; and I reckon them among my most valued friends. When I vote for the postponement of their tax bill I am saying simply that what took them seven months to prepare I do not feel myself

competent to deal with in a week; and whoever does has not so high an opinion of the committee as I have.

ate.

Now, let us see; they took seven months to hear the case. They worked day and night; they were very vigilant and very diligent; and after they have worked upon this bill seven months, they now propose we shall pass it in ten days. Be it so. Suppose we pass the bill in ten days, it will take one week afterward to engross it. We shall not get this bill through before the 1st day of July, and then it will take a week to engross it. It then goes to the SenIt will take a week there to get it in print. Then the Senate committee have a right to consider it as long as our Committee of Ways and Means; for there are many hundreds of men who have not got what they wanted before our Committee of Ways and Means, and who will want to be heard before the Senate committee; and they must have a hearing. The bill will not get out of the Senate committee for less than six weeks, though they work day and night, because they cannot do in six weeks, working day and night, so much as the Committee of Ways and Means have done in seven months, working day and night, never sleeping except so much as was simply necessary for personal health. [Laughter.]

Then, what time have we? That brings us into the middle of September. Then the Senate goes to work upon the bill. Having no previous question, the bill, it passed there this session, cannot get through till some time in October or November. What advantage, then, will the country get from this bill this year? Why not, as I proposed to do, postpone this bill, if ever the question can be reached, till the first day of next session, letting it remain in its present position until that time, and then pass it through as fast as we can.

Now, then, a word as to party, to which the chairman of the committee has alluded. We are here on the eve of a presidential election. Nay, we are in a presidential campaign, or ought to be. Let me repeat that, because I want it,' as the phrase is, "to go to the country." We are or ought to be in a campaign, in order to save this country under the men who have fought for it for the past five years. Yet we are kept here doing what? Trying to pass a tax bill which there is not a man in this House believes will be passed this session through both branches. If there is such a one, let him rise and let me see him, "for him have I offended." Mr. MULLINS, (rising.) Let the gentleman take a good look at me. [Laughter.]

Mr. BUTLER. I see the gentleman; and I congratulate the Committee of Ways and Means that they have one faithful man on their side. [Laughter.]

Sir, I might adopt a similar style of argument to that used by the gentleman from Ohio. Suppose I should say to him, "Why, sir, did you not vote with a solid Democratic vote this morning to pay $1,700,000 if not $2,000,000 out of the Treasury to the clerks here in Washington, male and female, rebel and Union?"

Mr. WASHBURN, of Indiana. The gentleman is mistaken there.

Mr. BUTLER. I cannot yield to anybody. Mr. WASHBURN, of Indiana. The gentleman ought to take back the word "rebel," because the resolution expressly provides against that.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. BUTLER] declines to yield.

Mr. BUTLER. That resolution provides for twenty per cent. addition to the salaries for all sorts of clerks. Without any opportunity for discussion it was passed through here under the pressure of these galleries filled with clerks, male and female, watching their men. [Laughter.] Under such pressure $2,000,000 of money were voted out of the Treasury to pay clerks, male and female, who are receiving, on the average, higher salaries than are earned by the three learned professions in this country.

Mr. WASHBURN, of Indiana. I rise to a point of order. I want to know what this dis