bunals, as to taint the holy principles upon which our Government rests. If it should, the grief of the people, the grief of the friends of liberty throughout the world, will be more deeply moved than when the vail of the temple was rent in twain, and will be more intensely sad than was mourning Athens when they beheld the approach of the fatal vessel from Delos which was to seal the fate of their inspired teacher.

If this Government should learn to punish her delinquent rulers, and never to depart from the principles of the Declaration of Independence, especially from the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and its necessary concomitant—universal suffrage-she never can take a step backward, but will sail forward on a sea of glory into the very marge of that awful gulf which divides time from eternity.

Mr. Speaker, Providence has placed us here in a political Eden. All we have to do is to avoid the forbidden fruit, for we have not yet reached the perfection of justice. While nature has given us every advantage of soil, climate, and geographical position, man still is vile. But such large steps have lately been taken in the true direction, that the patriot has a right to take courage.

My sands are nearly run, and I can only see with the eye of faith. I am fast descending the downhill of life, at the foot of which stands an open grave. But you, sir, are promised If you length of days and a brilliant career. and your compeers can fling away ambition and realize that every human being, however lowly-born or degraded, by fortune is your equal, that every inalienable right which belongs to you belongs also to him, truth and righteousness will spread over the land, and you will look down from the top of the Rocky mountains upon an empire of one hundred millions of happy people.

Still, we must remember not to place our trust in princes, for we have seen that in the richest heart, the most highly cultivated mind, adorned with every literary grace, keen in argument as the Stagerite, and fortified with an outward shield of bronzed austerity which seemed to forbid the approach of levity or corruption; this richest composition of human mold may be the abode of malignity, avarice, corroding lust, and uncontrollable ambition, as the owl, the prairie-dog, and rattlesnake nestle together in loving harmony in the richest soil of the prairie.

I desire that the resolutions shall be postponed until next Monday, as certain gentlemen wish to look at them.

[APPENDIX.

Extract from the testimony taken before the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives, second session Thirty-Ninth and second session Fortieth Congress.

Colonel Wood testifies as follows, in a direct interview with the President himself, being the least atrocious of an hundred similar cases:

"Question. After that did you apply to the President for any office?

'Answer. I did, sir.

Question. By whom were you recommended? Answer. By Colonel Ruel, by Mr. H. F. Cosper, assessor, and several military recommendations.

Question. When did you apply to the President? Ansicer. On the 20th or 21st of September, 1866. "Question. Did you wait for him to return from his journey to Chicago?

"Answer. I did; I arrived in Washington during his western trip.

Question. State as distinctly as you can the form of conversation and what took place between you and the President.

Answer. I introduced myself and showed my recommendations, and stated my claims for Government employment; that I was a resident of the South, and being a Union man was driven away from the South, and compelled to lose all my property; that I had been in the Army and had a good record, and thought I was entitled to Government employment, as I was poor and out of employment. He looked at two of my recommendations, I think, and glanced at some others, but did not read them, and said my claim was good, or worthy of attention, I do not remember which. He then asked me what position I wanted. I suggested some appointment in the internal revenue department, as I was acquainted with that, and it had been suggested to me by some of my friends in Memphis that I should ask for something of that kind.

"Question. Did you suggest to him where? "Answer. I suggested in Alabama or some part of

the South. He then asked me-I suppose noticing that I was not much of a politician-what my political proclivities were. I told him I was in favor of the present Administration, had always been a loyal man and a Republican, and that I had faith or confidence in our Administration, in our present Congress, and in the Chief Executive of the nation. He then asked me if I was aware of any differences between himself and Congress. Wishing to make as good a case as I could, because I wanted the appointment, I said I was aware of some differences on minor points. He then replied: They are not minor points, sir; and the patronage and influence of these officers must be in my favor;' leaving me to infer, in his favor, as opposed to Congress. As I inferred that I replied that I could not accept an office, and retired." Testimony of James L. Selfridge.

"Question. State your residence?

Answer. Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. "Question. State if you were appointed to any office in the congressional district in which you reside? "Answer. In the latter part of June, 1865, I was appointed assessor of internal revenue of the eleventh district of Pennsylvania, to fill a vacancy.

Question. How long did you continue to hold that office?

1866.

Answer. I held it until the 20th of November,

"Question. State, if you please, whether you held a commission in the usual form?

Answer. Yes, sir; I held a commission from the Secretary of the Treasury until the adjournment of the Senate.

Question. Now state, if you please, whether your name was sent into the Senate for confirmation? "Answer. So far as I know it was not sent in. "Question. Did you bring the matter, at any time during the session of the Senate, to the notice of the Treasury Department?

"Answer. I came down here the 5th of June, I think; I do not recollect distinctly whether I saw the Assistant Secretary that day or the next day, the 5th or 6th of June; I called at the Treasury Department with the view of urging him to send my name in.

Question. You know, then, that it had not been sent in.

Answer. I so understood; I was unable to see the Secretary, and saw Assistant Secretary Chandler, who, after a moment, referred me to the Commissioner of Internal Revenue; he seemed to be aware that my name had not been sent in; Mr. Rollins could not be seen, and I saw Mr. Whitman, the deputy commissioner; I told him that I had been over to the Secretary's office and stated my business there, and they had referred me to the Commissioner's office; I inquired why the name had not been sent in; he replied that Mr. Cowan had charge of the Pennsylvania appointments, and that when Mr. Cowan said the name should go in it would go, and not until then. "Question. State whether you called at any time upon the President himself in regard to it?

Answer. No, sir; I called on Mr.Cowan and stated to him what I learned at the Department. He replied that he supposed that was so.

"Question. Did he give you any advice?

Answer. He told me to go home and support the President and his policy and he would attend to the matter; I saw him before the adjournment of Congress, on the 3d day of July, in the city of Philadelphia; he there intimated to me that the name would not be sent in; he told me that if I stopped taking Radical papers and supported the President and his policy the President might reappoint me, but he would appoint no one who took Radical papers.

"Question. You had no conversation with any officers connected with the Treasury Department in regard to the matter after that?

Answer. I saw the Secretary of the Treasury subsequently, I think, about the 25th or 26th of February, and I inquired of him how the matter was. He said he supposed it was an omission; I told him I knew how it was; that the matter had been left entirely with Mr. Cowan. He made no reply. "Question. Did Mr. Cowan state to you, as if by authority, what was the President's policy?

'Answer. He stated very emphatically, so far as I was concerned, that unless I stopped taking Radical papers, and supported the President's policy, I would not be reappointed. I held the office after the adjournment of the Senate until November. I have a letter here from the Fifth Auditor of the Treasury Department, dated May 8, 1867, in which he speaks of there having been an omission in sending in my name, and they refused to pay salary and commissions after the adjournment of the Senate. I wrote to him about the matter, and he replied that there seemed to be an omission to send in my name, and that I therefore ceased to be entitled to receive compensation as assessor on the 28th of July, 1866." Testimony of John Evans.

Question. State your residence.

Answer. Denver City, Colorado Territory. "Question. To what position were you elected under the proposed State organization of Colorado? "Answer. United States Senator.

"Question. Were you in this city about the time of the passage of the bill, during the first session of the Thirty-Ninth Congress, providing for the admission of the State of Colorado into the Union? Answer. I was.

"Question. State whether you had any interviews with the President of the United States after the passage of that bill, in reference to the same? 'Answer. I had.

"Question. Were you invited to any such interviews?

Answer. I was, by an anonymous note. "Question. Have you the note, and if so produce it? Answer. Supposing it would be called for I brought it along, and present the original note.

'Answer. I do not.

"Question. By whom was it delivered to you? Answer. It was left in my box at the hotel post office, National Hotel.

Question. State whether in response to that note you called upon Mr. Edward Cooper? "Answer. I did.

Question. What position was Mr. Cooper occupying at that time?

"Answer. I understood him to be the Private Secretary of the President.

'Question. Please state what transpired at that interview between you and Mr. Cooper?

Answer. We had a long interview in regard to the political situation, and in regard to the probability of the President signing the Colorado bill.

"Question. State substantially in detail what transpired during that interview?

us.

Answer. It would be difficult at this late period to detail all the conversation that passed between The substanee of it was that it was Mr. Cooper's impression that if Mr. Chaffee and I would sustain the President's policy he would not veto the Colorado bill.

**Question. Did he pretend to speak by authority? Answer. I think that, although his general conversation would indicate that he did, he in terms disclaimed speaking by authority. He said the matter was in our hands, and that it was for us to say.

Question. Meaning thereby that the approval or disapproval of that bill was in your hands?

Answer. That is what I understood him to mean. Question. After that interview with Mr. Cooper did you have an interview with the President the same day?

Answer. We did immediately following on the same night.

Question. Did Mr. Cooper go in with you?

Answer. No, sir; he proposed that we should go in and see the President.

"Question. State as much as possible in detail the conversation that occurred between you and Mr. Cooper, and between you and the President?

Answer. Previous to our interview with the President we were invited into a private room by Mr. Cooper, who said he desired to talk with us in regard to the Colorado question. After a resume of the present political situation he said it was of vital importance for us to be friends of the President and his plan of restoration; said there would be no trouble about our bill if we would give our adherence to the President's policy; that believing, as the President did, that the future welfare and harmony of the country depended upon sustaining him, and against Congress, it would not be expedient in him, the President, to admit us to fix a ruling power over him in the Senate; that there was no constitutional reason or precedent upon which to veto-it was merely a question of expediency-and added, 'It is for you, gentlemen, to decide.' He said a great deal else of this import, to all of which we answered and stated that we had no personal hostility to the President; would be glad to see harmony, and hoped a more perfect understanding between the President and Congress would yet harmonize them; and that some plan would yet be agreed upon that would restore the union of all the States, so that loyalty could be encouraged and protected in the late rebel States: that one of us (Mr. Chaffee) had voted for him, the President, in the Baltimore convention; and that wo should sustain him, so far as we could, in justice to our views upon the great national question of reconstruction. He then asked us to go in and see the President, which we did. The President met us very cordially went over his whole plan in detail since his inauguration; said that our bill placed him in a rather awkward position; that he felt the necessity of carrying out his policy as the only one to restore the Union; that the Radicals in Congress, if allowed to succeed, would disrupt and destroy the Government. He characterized the leading men as actuated only by a desire to prolong themselves in power, and said he did not deem it expedient or in consonance with the future welfare of the Union to admit two more into the Senate to carry out their schemes; that he felt friendly to the West, and desired to do right, &c. To all of which we answered that we thought him mistaken about the animus and object of the majority in Congress; that we believed they, as well as himself, were actuated by patriotic motives; that we felt it to be our duty to be free to act as we thought best in our judgment, after taking the oath to support the Constitution of the United States; that we could have no object in this exigency but to act in a way that would restore the country upon a just basis, so that the rights of all would be guarantied; that we should have sustained the civil rights bill, if we could have voted upon it; that we yery much desired the admission of Colorado, and hoped he would approve the measure, &c. I further stated to him that I had been a Republican since the organization of that party. After we left him, Mr. Cooper held another private interview with us, in which he requested us to put our views in writing for him, not to be used, as near and as favorable as we could consistently with the President's policy, to think of it over night, and to see him again at nine o'clock in the morning. During this interview he left us and we went in to see the President, and after returning he made this request for us to put our views in writing. We called in the morning, separately and without consultation with each other, and declined, stating that we had said and done all that we could, and would have to submit to what the President saw fit to do in the premises."

Testimony of Hon. James Harlan.

Question. State what you know, if anything, in regard to the issue of agricultural college scrip, under the act of 1862, to any of the States lately in rebellion against the Government.

Answer. Some time during the summer of 1866, a gentleman appeared in the Interior Department representing himself to be the agent of the State of North Carolina, and made a demand for the agricultural college scrip to which that State was entitled. His request was submitted by me, as Secrctary of the Interior, to the President at a Cabinet meeting, and I received the directions of the President to cause the scrip to be issued to that State, and I gave the necessary directions to the Commissioner of the Land Office. I do not remember the actual issue of any scrip, or countersigning any scrip; it may have been countersigned by me as Secretary of the Interior before I left.

Question. Was the subject discussed in the Cabinet meeting to which you refer?

Answer. Yes, it was talked over as such questions were usually talked over; not in a formal way.

Question. Was there any question made, or any diversity of opinion expressed on the subject by members of the Cabinet, or did you yourself suggest any objections to the issue?

Answer. I think the question of the right of the State to the scrip at the time was talked over. It was, however, the settled policy of the President to permit each of these States to receive and enjoy all the rights and privileges of any other State in the Union, on the ground that they had been fully restored to the Union. There were members of the Cabinet who dissented from the theory; but, with the concurrence of the majority and the President, it was acted upon as a settled question."

Testimony of E. A. Rollins, Commissioner of Internal Revenue.

Answer. In but very few instances.

Question. You stated that the removals were injurious to the revenue service. Have you made any estimate or have you any opinion of the extent of the injury to the revenue service growing out of these removals?

"Answer. I have made no estimate; it was from a variety of causes. The mere changing of experienced for inexperienced officers gave better opportunity for fraud upon such officers by experienced, designing tax payers. I have no doubt that the loss to the revenue was many million dollars.

"Question. Have you any means of saying whether the loss was five, ten, or twenty million dollars?

Answer. I have not. This must be a matter of estimate rather than of calculation. There can be but little actual, reliable data, except what comes out of the nature of the cases and the character of the several officers removed and appointed.

Question. Aside from the elements of experience, were the men appointed, in the qualities which public officers ought to possess, equal to those who were removed, considered as a body?

Answer. I do not so regard them.

Question. Do you trace any difficulties in collecting revenue on distilled spirits to the changes made in the year 1866 ?

"Answer. I do. I suggested in a previous answer that there was better opportunity for fraud upon inexperienced officers. Designing distillers and rectifiers were actually encouraged to combine for purposes of fraud.

Question. Are there men in the revenue service whom you should have removed upon public grounds if the power of removal had been vested in you solely?

Answer. There are.

Question. Why have those persons not been removed?

"Answer. Because I had not the power to remove them?

Question. What have you done, if anything, for the purpose of obtaining their removal by the agency of the Secretary of the Treasury or of the President, or of both?

Answer. I have had no conference with, nor have I made a communication directly to, the President since the spring or early summer of 1866. To the Secretary I have, from time to time, expressed my opinion-unfavorable opinion-of some assessors and collectors, but made no formal communication until recently. I have filed with him, I believe, no distinct charges, based upon evidence received by me concerning the assessors and collectors of whom I had had an unfavorable opinion and whose removal I believed would be of advantage.

Question. Why have you not recommended the removal of these persons?

Answer. I have done so informally, but not formally, because I have supposed that my opinion would not receive much credit with the President. I have not formally done so until recently."

and of the corps for a short time. 1 resided before the war in Charlestown, West Virginia.

Question. As such surgeon, did you become acquainted with the fact that there was a large number of deserters from the Army?

Answer. Yes, sir. I knew quite a number who were marked deserters, in our command especially, Question. State whether, after you were discharged from the Army, you conceived the idea of attempting to get those deserters, or any of them restored? Answer. I did.

Answer. That the restoration of those men would

be of great importance to him in his election. That was the subject we had in discussion.

Question. Did you receive an answer to that message? "Answer. I did, in the form of a letter to the President of the United States by Mr. Andrews. I think I have a copy of the letter; and if so, I will furnish it to the committee. It stated that it would be a matter of great political importance to have those men restored; that they nearly all resided in his congressional district, and that the majority of them would vote the Democratic ticket. I received this letter three or four days after I had sent the message by the son. Two or three telegraphic dispatches had passed between us. The son named a time when the father would be at home. I went to see him, but he was not at home, and the son furnished me with this letter.

Question, What did you do with the letter? Answer. I gave it, with the list, to Thomas B. Florence.

Question. How was this list headed?

Answer. List of deserters; giving regiments and companies. My impression is that the original list had that heading, but I am not positive.

Question. Do you recollect whether you gave any other paper to Mr. Florence except Mr. Andrew's letter and this list?

"Answer. I do not think I did, unless it may have been some short statement of my own; but I do not recollect.

"Question. What did you tell Mr. Florence that you desired to have done with the letter and list?

"Answer. I wished him to get those men relieved of the charge of desertion, which would place them on the rolls again. He said he would attend to it. I think I saw him again about two days after that. He said that the application looked very favorable, and that he thought it probable the men would be restored. When I called again the second time he furnished me with the order of restoration. [Witness produces the order removing all pains and penalties from the men named therein on account of the charge of desertion. It is dated Adjutant General's Office, November 21, 1866, signed by E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant General, and is addressed to Dr. M. McEwen, care of Hon. T. B. Florence, Washington, District of Columbia.' The order and envelope in which it was inclosed are attached to the testimony, marked Exhibit B.]

Question. As to how many on that list did you, of your own knowledge, know anything of the merits of their application?

"Answer. I was personally acquainted with nearly all the cavalry men.

Question. As to how many of them had you any written evidence of the merits of their application? "Answer. I had no evidence at all from their offi

cers.

Answer. A very few days; not over three or four. Question. As claim agent, what did you suppose would be the amount of penalties and forfeitures that would be lost to those men in case they were not restored, and that would come to them in case they were restored?

"Answer. Some ran as high as $600, and others not over $100. Taking them altogether I suppose the aggregate amount might be safely put at $75,000.

Question. How much were you to have as claim agent in case they were restored?

'Answer. Those with whom I had my understanding were to give me one half. With many of them I have had no understanding at all.

Question. With how many had you such understanding?

Ansicer. With nearly all the cavalry men. Question. You had no understanding with the infantry men.

Answer. No, sir; there has been nothing done with any of them.

Answer. In ten dollar notes.

Question. Did you take any receipt?
Answer. I did not.

Question. Do you know any other matter or thing. in relation to these men, which the committee ought to know?

"Answer. I do not know of anything else. I think I have told all."]

Mr. HOLMAN. I move that the resolutions be laid upon the table, and on that motion demand the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were not ordered. Mr. STEVENS, of Pennsylvania. I will modify my motion and say Monday two weeks. Mr. HOLMAN. I insist on my motion to lay upon the table.

The House divided; and there were-ayes 24, noes 60; no quorum voting.

Mr. HOLMAN. I withdraw my motion. Mr. STEVENS, of Pennsylvania. I now move that the further consideration of the subject be postponed until Monday two weeks. The motion was agreed to.

Mr. WILLIAMS, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, as this question now seems to be reopened, I desire to submit a series of additional articles involving the higher political crimes. They are as follows:

Resolved, That the following additional articles be exhibited by the House of Representatives against Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in further maintenance and support of their impeachment against him for high crimes and misdemeanors: ARTICLE I.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, not regarding the proper limitation of his powers as such officer under the Constitution and laws thereof, but contriving and intending by means and under color of the authority vested in him as the chief executive officer of this Government, and Commander-in-Chief of its armies, to bring back into the Union the lately revolted States upon terms and conditions dictated by himself, without the consent of Congress and in defiance of its will, did under the false pretense that it was his right and duty as such Executive under the Constitution to guaranty to every State in this Union a republican form of government, heretofore, to wit: on the day of, 1865, and at divers other days and times, unlawfully usurp and exercise powers and functions belonging only to the Congress, by issuing proclamations, of his own authority, setting up new governments in sundry of the said revolted States, placing over them in the quality of provisional governors, which was an office unknown to the law, men of his own appointment, who were disqualified under the laws of the United States, by reason of their participation in the rebellion from holding any civil office therein, in violation of the Constitution and the laws thereof: whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit, and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE II.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in contempt of the authority of Congress and of the laws passed thereby, and in order to the carrying out of the policy of reconstruction indicated in sundry proclamations issued by him for that purpose, without the aid of Congress, did pay and direct the payment of salaries to W. W. Holden, B.F. Perry, James Johnson, Lewis E. Parsons, and William Marvin, provisional governors unlawfully appointed by him over the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida, at rates fixed by himself, out of the contingent fund of the War Department, though well knowing that the said provisional governors were officers unknown to the Constitution and laws of the United States, and were disqualified by their participation in the rebellion from taking the oath of office required in all cases, and did not take the same: thereby disregarding and violating the provisions of the acts of Congress of the 2d of July, 1862, and 9th February, 1863, and misapplying and misusing the moneys appropriated by law to the proper and legitimate uses of the said Department; and this for the purpose of enabling him to dispense with the coöperation of Congress in and about the premises, and in violation of his high trust as chief of the executive department of this Government: whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE III.

That in like contempt of the Constitution of the United States, the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in order to pay the expenses of the provisional governments unlawfully set up by him within the said revolted States, in the absence of any means supplied by Congress for that purpose, and for the purpose of raising money therefor, without its authority or consent, did authorize his pretended governors, or some of them, to seize and appropriate for that use a portion of the property late of the rebel confederate and State governments within

their respective territories and jurisdiction, which had become by reason of the overthrow of those governments the property of the United States, and also to tax the people of the said States for the same purpose in violation of the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, which give to Congress alone the power to levy taxes and dispose of the public property of the United States; whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE IV.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, iu like contempt of the Constitution and laws thereof did, on or about the day of 1865, without the authority or consent of Congress, surrender and turn over to the provisional government established by him for the State of North Carolima, a large amount of real estate at Greenville, in said State, consisting of buildings erected during the rebellion for the manfacture of arms, on lands donated for that object, and of the appraised value of $33,918 78, and this for the purpose of paying in part the expenses of his said government and to enable him to maintain the same without the consent or cooperation of Congress; whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in oflice.

ARTICLE V.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt of the Constitution and laws and of the authority of Congress, and with a view to the maintenance and recognition of the government established by him in the State of North Carolina, and in pursuance of a settled purpose on his part to permit each of the rebel States to receive and enjoy all the rights and privileges of any other States in the Urion, on the ground that they had been fully restored by him, and in defiance of the known will of Congress in the premises, did, on the -day of, 186-, order and direct the Secretary of the Interior to issue to the said government as one of the United States, a large amount of land serip, under the pretended authority of an act of Congress passed during the rebellion, and authorizing the distribution thereof among the States for agricultural purposes, and in fraud of the said act, and of the true intent of Congress therein; whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE VI.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt of the Constitution and the laws thereof, did on or about the day of- 1865, without the authority or consent of Congress, and without any consideration whatever, surrender and deliver over to the rebel stockholders and owners of railroads within the revolted States, which were capturel in the war waged by them against the Government of the United States, the roads so captured, on which very large sums of money had been expended by the said Government, together with the rolling stock nd machinery belonging to the same-the whole being of the value of many million dollars; and did also surrender and deliver over to the same parties one or more railroads constructed by the so-called confederate government for the purposes of the war, and one or more railroads constructed at great expense by the Government of the United States itself, in violation of the provisious of the Constitution of the United States: whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE VII.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt of the Constitution and the laws thereof, did, on or about the day of ——, 1865, and at other times, without the authority or consent of Congress, sell and transfer to the disloyal stockholders of railroad companies within the rebel States, at a private valuation, on a long credit, and without any adequate security, a large amount of railroad rolling stock and machinery belonging to the Government of the United States, of the value of many millions of dollars; and did also, after repeated willful defaults on the part of the purchasers thereof, pos: pone the debt due to the Government therefor, which has never yet been paid, in order to enable them to satisfy the claims of other creditors, including long arrears of interest on a large amount of bonds of the said companies, of which the said Andrew Johnson was himself a large holder at the time, in violation of the Constitution of the United States and of his duty as President, and in fraud of the said Government; whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE VIII.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt of the Constitution and the laws thereof, did, on or about the day of , 1865, and at divers other days and times, order to be surrendered, and did surrender and deliver up, without equivalent, and under the pretense that he had authority so to do by virtue of the pardoning power vested in him by the Constitution, to the original rebel proprietors a large amount of real estate, comprising among others about one hundred and twelve tracts or parcels of land within the State of Virginia alone, which had been duly libelled and condemned by judgment of the courts for the treason of the said proprietors, in pursuance of law, and had thereby become expressly vested in the Government of the United States for the use thereof; whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did 40TH CONG. 2D SESS.No. 238.

then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE IX.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt of the Constitution and laws, did, on or about the day of, 1865. and at other times, without the authority or consent of Congress, and in plain violation of law, not only restore to rebel owners large amounts of cotton and other abandoned property that had been seized by the agents of the Treasury, under and in conformity with the law in that case provided, but did pay and order to be paid back to the rebel claimants the proceeds of actual sales thereof to a very large amount of money, at his own mere will and pleasure and in utter defiance of the act of Congress of directing the same to be paid into the Treasury, and referring the parties aggrieved for remedy to the courts; whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE X.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt of the Constitution, did, on the day of, 1885, and at divers other days and times, unlawfully abuse and misuse the pardoning power bestowed on him thereby, to the great detriment of the public, by releasing the most active and formidable of the leaders of the rebellion, for the purpo e of securing their services in aid of his plan of reconstruction by Executive authority, and further, by substantially delegating the same to one or more of his provisional governors by pledging himself to pardon all such persons as they might recommend for that purpose; whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE XI.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt of his obligation under the Constitution to see that the laws were faithfully executed, did not only refuse to enforce the laws passed by Congress for the suppression of the rebellion, and the punishment of those who gave it comfort and support, by directing proceedings against them and their property, but did absolutely obstruct the course of public justice by prohibiting the institution of legal proceedings for that parpose, and, where already commenced, by staying the same indefinitely or ordering absolutely the discontinuance thereof; and, in pursuance of a general policy adopted by him to that effect did, among other things, on or about the day of -. 1867, not only release from imprisonment a certain Clement C. Clay, then a State prisoner, charged among other things, with treason, with complicity in the murder of Mr. Lincoln, and with organizing bands of pirates, robbers, and murderers in Canada to burn the cities and ravage the commercial coasts of the United States on the British frontier, but did also forbid his arrest on proceedings instituted against him for treason aud conspiracy in the State of Alabama, and did further order his property, when the same was seized for confiscation under the laws of Congress, at the instance of the district attorney of the United States for that district, to be restored; whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit and was guily of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE XII.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt and forgetfulness of his obligation under the Constitution to see that the laws were faithfully executed, did after procuring the arrest of Jefferson Davis, under and by virtue of a proclamation, charging him among other things with a violation of the law of war in the inhuman treatment of prisoners and in conniving at and encouraging the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, and offering a reward of $100,000 for his capture, and although the complicity of the said Davis in the said assassination was found by a military commission organized at Washington for the trial of the conspirators against the life of thesaid Lincoln, and although also an indictment for treason was known to be depending against him in the District of Columbia, did, on the day of, 1867, or about that time, surrender the said Davis to the civil authorities in Virginia to answer au indictment there also found against him for high treason, without making any return of the fact that he was held by him to answer for the other crimes aforesaid, and did allow him to go at large on bail taken from him to answer the said last mentioned indictment, without any discharge of the said Davis by due process of law from arrest for the other crimes for which he was so held and without any claim to hold or detain him to auswer therefor: whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid. did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor.

ARTICLE XIII.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt of the Constitution thereof, and for the purpose of carrying out his policy of reconstruction by executive authority, and in pursuance of a public declaration made by him to that effect in a speech delivered by him at St. Louis, has grossly and willfully abused the appointing power conferred on him thereby.

First. In this, that he has removed on system, and to the great damage of the public service, a large number of meritorious public officers for no other feason than because they refused to indorse and support his claim of the right to reorganize and restore the rebel States on conditions of his own, and because they favored the jurisdiction and authority of Congress in the premises.

Second. In this, that he has, in repeated instances, and in pursuance of the same object, declined and refused to make nominations at the next ensuing session of the Senate in cases of offices filled up by him during the recess, and has continued the persons by whom the said offices had been so filled in their public employments after the adjournment of that body; and

Third. In this, that he has reappointed, in repeated instances, after the adjournment of the Senate, persons nominated by him to that body and rejected by it as unfit for the places for which they had been so nominated:

Whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE XIV.

That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, in like contempt of the Constitution and the laws thereof, and of his obligation to see that the said laws were faithfully executed did, on the day of, 1865, and at divers other times, exercise a dispensing power over the act of Congress of July 2. 1862, prescribing a form of oath to be taken by all eivil officers before cute ing upon the performance of their duties, by commissioning revenue officers, as well as others who were well known by him to be disqualified to take the said oath by reason of their participation in the rebellion, in preference to loyal men, and allowing them to enter upon and exercise the duties appertaining to their respective offices, and paying them salaries for their services therein, and this in pursuance of a deliberate purpose confessed by himself of suspending the execution of the said law, because the same was not in harmony with his policy of reconstruction, and in order, as ho falsely pretended, to give to the Congress an opportunity at its next assemblage of revising its policy and making it conform to his own views, although in point of fact the same was not communicated to Congress until it was drawn from the said Johnson by a call on the part of the House of Representatives; whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President as aforesaid, did then and there commit, and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

Mr. WILLIAMS, of Pennsylvania, by unanimous consent, was then granted leave to print in the Globe as part of the debates, his argument in support of his additional articles of impeachment. [See Appendix.]

CIVIL APPROPRIATION BILL. Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I ask unanimous consent that an order be made that the amendments of the Senate to House bill No. 818, making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the year ending the 30th of June, 1869, and for other purposes, may be considered in the House as in Committee of the Whole, under the fiveminutes rule for debate pro and con.

No objection being made it was so ordered.

LAND BOUNTIES.

On motion of Mr. JULIAN, a letter of the Secretary of War, relative to land bounties, was ordered to be printed, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE.

A message was received from the Senate, by Mr. GORHAM, its Secretary, notifying the House that the Senate insisted upon its amendments to House bill No. 605, making appropriations for the legislative, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for the year ending the 30th of June, 1869, disagreed to the amendments of the House to other amendments of the Senate, agreed to the conference asked for by the House on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses thereon, and had appointed Mr. MORRILL of Maine, Mr. Howe, and Mr. HENDRICKS managers of said conference on its part.

It also announced that the Senate had passed House bill No. 344, to incorporate the Washington Target-Shooting Association in the Distrit of Columbia, with an amendment, in which the concurrence of the House was requested.

It also announced that the Senate had concurred in the amendment of the House to the amendment of the Senate to House bill No. 869, to prescribe an oath of office to be taken by persons from whom legal disabilities shall have been removed.

It also announced, in conclusion, that the Senate had passed the following House bill and joint resolutions:

An act (II. R. No. 366) to incorporate the National Hotel Company of Washington city; A joint resolution (H. R. No. 154) relative to the settlement of the accounts of certain officers and agents who have disbursed public

money under the direction of the chief of the engineers; and

A joint resolution (H. R. No. 324) to extend the time for the completion of the West Wisconsin railroad.

WAREHOUSING SYSTEM, ETC.

Mr. MORRELL, from the Committee on Manufactures, reported a bill (H. R. No. 1369) to modify the warehousing system, and for other purposes; which was read a first and second time.

The first section of the bill provides that upon the entry of any goods, wares, or merchandise for warehousing, the owner, importer, consignee, or agent of such goods, wares, or merchandise shall make a declaration in writing, verified by oath or affirmation, stating the kind, description, and quantity of goods, wares, or merchandise entered; also signifying whether such goods, wares, or merchandise are entered for consumption or exportation, and such declaration shall be obligatory upon the party entering such goods.

The second section provides that upon the withdrawal of any goods, wares, or merchandise for consumption there shall be paid by the owner, importer, consignee, or agent of such goods, wares, or merchandise, in addition to the proper duties and charges, interest, at the rate of six per cent. per annum, upon the whole amount of the duties upon such goods, wares, or merchandise, from and after sixty days subsequent to the time of the entry of such goods for warehousing until the withdrawal of the same for consumption. Such interest to be paid in the same denomination as duties are payable.

The third section authorizes and directs the Secretary of the Treasury to make such rules and regulations, not inconsistent with law, as may be necessary to carry into effect this act; and he is further authorized and instructed to cause to be published a monthly schedule or statement of all goods, wares, or merchandise entered for warehousing, and on hand at the end of each month, stating names of owner, importer, consignee, or agent making entry; also the kind and quantity of goods, wares, or merchandise so entered, and whether for consumption or exportation.

The fourth and last section provides that so much of all laws as are inconsistent with the provisions of this act be, and they are hereby, repealed.

Mr. ALLISON. I rise to a point of order. I understand this to be a bill increasing the duties on imports, and therefore it ought to go to the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. MORRELL. I do not so understand it. Mr. ALLISON. The second section provides for a rate of interest that shall be paid in coin, thus increasing the present duty on imported goods.

The SPEAKER. The Chair overrules the point of order. This does not seem to be an increase of the rate of tariff on any article whatever, for the reason that any person who does not see fit to warehouse his goods can receive them at the custom-house at exactly the rates now prescribed by law; but if they do not go to the custom-house, then six per cent. duty is to be collected. The Chair does not think this is an increase of the tariff, because it does not compel anybody to warehouse his goods.

Mr. MORRELL. Mr. Speaker, I do not propose to discuss the merits of this bill at length. The committee in a report, now in the hands of members, have presented the facts and argument which, in their judgment, should insure for it the favorable action of this House. It is certainly the highest duty of a Government which derives all its powers directly from the people, not only to give protection to person and property, but to guard all the rights and interests of the citizens, to protect him in his labor and in the rewards of his labor. The warehousing system has from its very inception and introduction here been fraught with evil to the country. It is

five million dollars in gold, the greater part of which is used to prostrate our own industry.

The bill proposes, instead of allowing the foreign importer the free use of this large capital, as heretofore, that he shall pay simple interest for the use of it; and if this provision does not operate to diminish the amount of warehoused goods, the Treasury will be

It is believed that the facts presented in the report of the committee demonstrate that the entire abolishment of the system would not injure or diminish our commerce with countries between which and ourselves the trade is reciprocal, and would only affect trade with manufacturing nations whose consumption of our breadstuffs and other articles of export depends solely on our ability to compete for their custom with the cheap labor products of agricultural Europe. The committee have not, however, thought it wise to recommend our entire abrogation of the system at this time, and have reported a bill which will correct some of its evils, and prepare the way for further modification, or eventual repeal by future legislation, without serious disturbance to the commercial interests of the country. The operations of the bill will be prospective and gradual; it proposes no violent change, and can harm no one except the foreigner who has found in our bonded warehouses an asylum and ambush from which to attack and destroy rival producers in this country.

The first section of the bill provides that the warehousing shall declare upon their entry importer or owner of all goods entered for whether they are intended for exportation or consumption and shall abide by that declaration. With upwards of forty million dollars worth of foreign goods constantly impending over our markets the business communities have no present means of ascertaining what portion of this crushing weight may be expected to fall, and can make no reliable calculations in regard to the regular trade supply and demand. Under the provisions of this section the American importing merchant who orders goods for his own sales and pays the duty on their arrival will be protected, and the manufacturer will be enabled at all times to know what amount of competing wares is likely to come upon the markets, and can make his calculations and govern his business accordingly. The second section provides that, in addition to the duties and charges, interest shall be paid upon the duties of all goods entered for consumption from the date of entry until their withdrawal. The other sections only provide for carrying the act into effect.

The average amount of goods in warehouse during the past year has been about forty-three million dollars, representing over twenty million dollars of unpaid duties.

This sum may be considered in the light of a bonus to the foreigner, to enable him more effectually to crush the American merchant and manufacturer.

The regular importer and domestic manufacturer have to pay the full cost of their wares before they can be placed on the market, while the foreigner, by the aid of our warehousing system, can, through his broker or agent, put his goods on sale by sample while in Government stores, and pay the duty (which is shown to represent about one third of their free value) from the proceeds of such sale. As most foreign manufactures which go into warehouses are sent here by foreign owners to be sold by agents or commission men, the business in all its magnitude and destructive consequences to legitimate trade and production requires and involves very little invested capital in this country, the only actual cash required being loaned by the Government without interest. It is incredible that, for more than twenty years, a system has been permitted to stand almost unchallenged, which thus supplies to foreigners a capital of from twenty to twenty

quarter to a million and a half dollars per annum, and our home industry relieved from just that amount of taxation. If it should operate to diminish imports of foreign competing manufactures we shall have less to pay abroad, and a better market for home products, and more constant employment for our own people. It is the opinion of the committee, and so expressed in the report, "that this boon to foreign commerce was obtained collusively and given unwittingly. When the warehousing laws were passed, Congress could not have conceived that their effect would be to furnish gratuitously a capital of over twenty million dollars to foreign exporters. The bold proposition to give $1,500,000 annually to alien interests could not have been entertained a moment. The necessities of the Government, and the present stern demands of the people for the most rigid economy, require that this thoughtless and unwise concession should be revoked."

It will, perhaps, be charged that the purpose of this bill is to diminish imports. I adinit the charge and defend the purpose. We want less of the products of foreign labor and more constant employment for our own. We want to bring the aggregate of our imports below the sum of our exports. We have sent abroad during the eleven months of the fiscal year up to May 31, $64,486,258 in gold, besides à shipment, probably, of twice that amount in the interest-bearing bonds of the Government, States, and corporations, in the settlement of trade balances.

I do not know of the exact shipments of gold for June, but from unofficial reports judge it will be as heavy as in May, when it reached the enormous amount of $10,668,712, or an aggregate of over seventy-five million dollars for the fiscal year ending June 30. The entire estimated annual production of the precious metals in the United States and Territories is thus swept away, while we are still adding to our foreign indebtedness at the rate of perhaps $200,000,000 per annum.

We are constantly talking of a return to specie payments; and there is scarcely a member of this House who has not presented a plan to accomplish that desired end, and yet the price of gold continues to advance, and rules higher now than three years ago.

The necessities of the country demand some practical legislation in the interests of our own people, and especially such legislation as will tend to check over importations, employ our own labor, and prepare the way to a safe return to specie values. In the absence of a thorough revision of the revenue laws looking to greater protection and the suppression of frauds on the Government, the passage of this simple and brief bill will do some good, and I trust there will be no opposition to it.

I now yield to my colleague, [Mr. CAKE.]

Mr. CAKE. Mr. Speaker, as a temporary measure the recommendation of the Committee on Manufactures in relation to the warehousing system is just and proper; but in the interest of the manufacturers and producers of this country the practice of finding free storage room for importations that may or may not remain in the country and pay the duty ought to be discontinued. Until this can be done, in addition to interest upon the unpaid duty, the foreign article should be made to pay the same warehouse charges that the American production encounters while awaiting transportation or a market.

As a partial measure of justice to the labor of this country the proposition should encounter no opposition; all the more promptly should this suggestion be acted upon because the