taken, and determined as he was that the interests of the country should not be sacrificed to any system of favouritism, he immediately signified his pleasure to Mr Perceval, that he might consider himself as the prime mini

ster.

Great surprise and dissatisfaction were expressed by many members of opposition on account of the rapid manner in which the letter of the Prince Regent was answered, and the proposal which it contained rejected by Lords Grey and Grenville. It was said, that as his royal highness had graciously expressed the satisfaction he would feel if some of those persons, with whom the habits of his early life had been formed, would strengthen his hands, and constitute a part of his government, some communication should have been made to the party before any reply was returned; that Lord Grey was not entitled to treat with haughty indifference those who had more particularly been attached to the late Mr Fox; that by neglecting to communicate with them, he had treated them as if they were in a state of utter dependence, having no will or voice of their own, but bound to follow with blind confidence wherever he should lead them; that the letter of the Prince Regent could not be considered merely as a proposal to Lords Grey and Grenville, because it alluded to individuals among whom Lord Grey could scarcely be included, and Lord Grenville not at all; yet these noble lords had acted as if they conceived themselves to combine all the rank, talent, and influence of the party; that, although they might have rejected the proposal, so far as they were themselves concerned, they had no right to commit their friends, and that they ought merely to have expressed their readiness (before making any definitive answer) to have communicated with the other persons to whom an evident al

VOL. V. PART I.

lusion had been made in the letter of his royal highness. Some of their retainers did not hesitate to censure, in very strong terms, this overweening spirit of aristocracy; to insinuate that, although the noble lords might have a common object, they could have no common principle or system of opinions; and even to declare that their scrupulous and over-refined notions of honour should not have been allowed to stand in the way of the more substantial objects, to which their dependants had for so many years looked up with avidity. These reproaches served for a time to amuse the public; and they proved that, how erroneous soever some of the political opinions of the leaders of opposition may be, the eminent men who avow them, are, in highmindedness and integrity, as far removed, as in rank and talent, above the persons by whom they are surrounded.

It was much disputed about this time, whether the letter of the PrinceRegent ought to be considered as the production of his royal highness, or of his minister. As a general maxim, it is unquestionable, that the monarch of this country can do nothing with out a responsible adviser; yet the mea sure adopted by his royal highness must be considered as an exception to the general rule, since it was one on which a minister could not, with propriety, offer any advice. The same persons who wished to consider the letter as the production of the minister, had not long before proclaimed to the country that the prince would soon be called upon to act in a manner which would' prove his independence of his father's advisers; and yet they would now have had it believed, that in the only step which his royal highness could have taken without the advice of his ministers, he had been influenced and controlled by them. This insinuation proceeded from a desire of

I

charging Mr Perceval with insincerity -a charge, which, in his case, it was strange to hear even from the clamour of disappointed ambition. An attempt was made to support so groundless an accusation, by a reference to some occurrences which had lately taken place in the House of Commons.-Mr Curwen, in the debate on a motion of Mr Whitbread, relating to American affairs, had very confidently prophesied the disgrace of Mr Perceval. The mi nister had of course no alternative but to acquiesce in a statement which his silence would have stamped with authenticity, or to deny, as he did, with firmness, that he was soon to be dismissed from the councils of his sovereign. The letter of the Prince Regent, however, considered as the offspring of his own feelings, bears the most unequivocal marks of liberal and patriotic sentiment on the part of his royal highness; while there was in the whole course of the proceedings nothing but the greatest candour and integrity manifested on the part of him whom his royal highness had chosen as his chief adviser.

Some changes of no great importance in the ministerial arrangements took place about this period. The seals of the foreign department, which had been resigned by the Marquis Wellesley, were put into the hands of the Earl of Liverpool until a successor to the marquis should be appointed. It would have been a subject of deep regret had the Earl of Liverpool received the foreign seals otherwise than in trust; since, notwithstanding the high opinion entertained of his lordship's general talents, his removal from the war department must have been very injurious to the public service. The war in the peninsula had been successfully conducted by the Earl of Wellington; and the country was prepared to offer no small tribute of praise to the minister with whom that illus

trious officer had planned and carried into execution all his arrangements. Lord Castlereagh was afterwards appointed to the foreign department, and the Earl of Liverpool continued in that station in which his services had already secured so many advantages.

After the distinct and unequivocal terms in which Lords Grey and Grenville had declined the proposal made to them by the Prince Regent-after their solemn declaration that they would form no union with the ministers, and after their assurances that they differed in opinion with them on all the leading points of the policy of the empire, it might have been thought, that no one could for a moment have indulged a hope of accom plishing that coalition which had been so anxiously desired.-A motion, however, was, in a few days after the expiration of the restrictions, made by Lord Borringdon in the House of Lords, for an address to the Prince Regent, to represent to his royal highness, that the administration to which he might be pleased to commit the management of affairs, should be so composed as to unite, as far as possible, the confidence and good-will of all classes of the people; that in the present state of Ireland, it was impossible that such general confidence could be enjoyed by any administra tion which opposed the claims of the Roman catholics; and that his royal highness should endeavour to form a cabinet, which, by consulting the affections of all classes of the community, might effectually call forth the resources of the empire. The noble lord who made this motion, professed much respect for the ministers; he de clared that he had not been influenced by the feelings of party in bringing forward the motion, and that the mo tion itself was not intended to effect a change in the administration. To eve

ry other member of the House, however, the motion seemed to be directed to this precise purpose, and it was so explained even by Earl Grey himself, who avowed his understanding of it in the course of the debate.

enemy

The motion was supported upon the following grounds. It was admitted on all hands, that the conduct of the Prince Regent, at the commencement of the restricted regency, had evinced the most amiable sentiments, and the most delicate notions of duty, towards his royal father. But a new æra had arrived, when, from an utter despair of his majesty's restoration to health, the prince could no longer be influen. ced by such considerations, and could not be precluded from pursuing the course which might appear best adapted to secure the interests of the country. What then was the situation of the country? for on this the motion was founded. In some respects it was in the highest degree flattering and prosperous; the colonial power of the had been anihilated all over the globe; the British navy had been every where triumphant; Portugal had been wrested from the military occupation of the French; in the tenth year of the ravages in the peninsula, not only had Portugal been defended, but the British army had, on every occasion, covered itself with glory in the territories of Spain. This, however, was but one side of the picture; and on turning to the other, it was impossible not to be filled with gloom and despondency "Commercial distress all over the country, our manufacturers reduced almost to a state of starvation, new laws, giving unprecedented encouragement and effect to our paper currency. In the interior of the country there appeared a spirit of disorder and contempt of the law bordering on insurrection. At a time when England was not only at

war,

and the fourth of its

war with a power whose dominions were more extensive than those of Charlemagne, but also with every potentate of Europe except those of the peninsula, this was an appalling state of things; but the most appalling circumstance was, that while almost the whole population of the continent of Europe was united against these islands, whose numbers were so small in proportion, and notwithstanding the general complexion of the times, one fourth of our population was excluded from the pale of the constitution-excluded by various laws founded on causes and principles which had long ceased to operate, laws which had relation only to the peculiar circumstances of the age in which they were enacted, and the continuance of which, till this day, was a scandal to the nation, and a serious deduction from the political power of the country. Such was the general outline of our situation. Our resources, however, if properly managed, and called into action, were fully adequate to overcome all the difficulties by which we were surrounded: with an united people, and a government, meriting and receiving their confidence, the empire was perfectly competent to avert every danger which threatened it; the energies and resources of this island were equal, not only to its own necessities, but to continue the assistance at present imparted to its allies-and even, if it were found expedient, to extend it still farther. But, without such an union among the people, without such a confidence in the government, no results beneficial to the empire could be expected. It was under those circumstances, that, according to an authentic, though not official document, it appeared that his royal highness the Prince Regent had expressed his wish that a government should be formed on an extended and liberal basis. A negociation was accordingly set on foot,

the frame of that government should, if possible, be effected. Was such a change really hopeless? On the 13th of February a wish had been expressed by his royal highness to form an administration on a broad and liberal basis. That wish had unfortunately not been gratified. But the wish which existed then no doubt still continued; and the object of the motion was, if possible, to give effect to the declared desire of his royal highness.-The attention of the House was then drawn to those parts of the letter of the noble lords, which had been particularly dwelt upon, and which had been misapprehended. The noble lords, having assigned the reasons of their refusal, say, 'It is on this ground alone that we must express, without reserve, the impossibility of our uniting with the present government. Now, what had been understood by this expression of the noble lords? Why, that they insisted on forming the government themselves that they would hear of no persons but of their own selection, and of their own principles; and that they would not sit in the cabinet with those who were the confidential advisers of the Prince Regent. This was the interpretation which had been given of that part of their answer. Yet in saying they would not consent to unite with the present government, that they could not assist an administration whose proceedings they disapproved, it did not follow that they would not act with them, provided, of course, they were not placed in such situations as would prevent them from carrying into effect those measures which they thought most conducive to the general interest. In the next paragraph, the noble lords observe, Into the detail of those differences we are unwilling to enter; they embrace almost all the leading features of the present policy of the empire. The principles of policy here alluded to were, the con

duct to be pursued with regard to America,-the bullion question,-the war in the peninsula, and the treatment of the catholics. Could it be fairly supposed that it was the intention of the noble lords, if they should come into office, to concede the whole matter in controversy with America ? Could it be fairly supposed that they were prepared to sacrifice the maritime rights of the country, and lay our naval grandeur at the feet of America? The next question was that of the bullion. What was the nature of the difference here? It might be said, that the noble lords would immediately open the bank, and compel eash payments. It was no doubt probable that they would make the situation of the currency a matter of serious consideration, and that they would act upon the system of restoring the cash payments to the country, when a favourable opportunity occurred for doing so. But was it to be supposed that they would force such a measure forward before its time,that they would urge it without preparation, without regard to circumstances, without any precaution that might render it secure? As to the peninsula, the noble lords were boldly charged with a resolution to withdraw our assistance from the Spanish cause. They might certainly disapprove of the circumstances of the war; but it was not to be conceived that they would abandon it without due examination. Of course, their conduct in this point would be strongly influenced by the larger information on the circumstances, objects, and means of the contest, which office might give them, and to which they could not now have access. It was not to be supposed that they would proceed in this direction without com. municating with the distinguished person who was now at the head of the British forces in the peninsula, a man who deserved every attention and every