arose. praise, who was at once the great general and the great statesman, whose physical courage was equalled only by the moral fortitude which he manifest ed in opposing those who, not being perfectly acquainted with the situation of the peninsula, were desirous of withdrawing from the contest there. It was presumed, that, on their admission into the prince's cabinet, the British forces would be recalled; but was this a just presumption? The last point was the state of Ireland. With respect to the disallowance of the claims of a large portion of his majesty's subjects, on this some difficulty It was less easy to define here the limit of the objects which the noble lords might have in contemplation. The difference between them and administration was more wide on this than on the other points. The noble lords observed in their letter, We are firmly persuaded of the necessity of a total change in the present system of that country, and of the immediate repeal of those civil disabilities under which so large a portion of his majesty's subjects still labour, on account of their religious opinions. To recommend to parliament this repeal, is the first advice which it would be our duty to offer to his royal highness.' In this part, more than any other, the general interpretation seemed to be warranted by the construction of the words. The most suitable proceed ing in bringing about this great measure of redemption would be, that the proposal of consideration should come from administration,-that the House should then sanction a resolution for taking the question into consideration at a future time; and, finally, that every thing relating to the arrangement and detail of the question, should be left to the executive government, by whom a specific plan should be laid before the legislature. By these means all the grace of originating the mea sure would attach to the crown, to which, in truth, it ought to belong. Parliament would be pledged to nothing but the mere consideration of the question, leaving the arrangement and detail where it should be left, with the executive government; and whatever was proposed by it, parliament, in the course of the next ses sion, might reject or adopt. But still, in the letter of the noble lords, there certainly was nothing to give the idea that they would at once recommend the total abolition of catholic restraints, without delay or consideration. From their former declarations,-from every former means of expressing their sentiments, it might be not unjustly conceived that they would proceed in this momentous affair with all the necessary prudence; that they would suffer a certain period to elapse before the granting of full remission; and that they would grant nothing without providing for the security of the existing establishments. This was the fair construction of the policy which they were likely to adopt; and if this construction were justified by what they might hear in the course of the debate, was it not to be desired that all the strength the country was capable of affording, should be applied to the purposes of conducting it through the difficulties of its present situation? Was it not most desirable that this country, and what remained of independent Europe, should be gratified by seeing an administration combined of all the wis dom, experience, and authority that were to be found among us, formed to preserve domestic tranquillity, and to command the respect of foreign powers?The present motion was consistent with the principles of the constitution, and conformable to its practice in the best periods of our history, and therefore the House would suffer it to go to the Prince Regent." Although the motion was manifest ly directed to accomplish a change of administration, the ministers abstained from all violence in the debate, and seemed in a great measure to leave the question upon its own merits, to the dispassionate consideration of parliament. They could not help remark. ing, however, "that besides being chargeable with much inconsistency, the motion had two separate objects, the one avowed, and the other concealed. It began by using the most flattering language towards the Prince Regent. It proposed certainly a most desirable object, the formation of an administration calculated to conciliate all his majesty's subjects. Who disagreed with the motion on that point? But it was stated that such an object was impossible of attainment, from the known principles of the administration. The mover wished for a broad-bottomed administration, which was in general the most mischievous of all administrations. The motion proposed a more extended administration: What did this mean, after it had been stated that the present ministers were, from principle, so obnoxious to the formation of any such administration? As to the estimation in which the present administration was held by the public, the people of this good-natured country were weak and foolish enough to sanction it by their confidence. Let the cause be what it might, it so happened, that the confidence of the country was possessed by the administration; and that was certainly no very good reason for addressing the Prince Regent to change it. If the Prince Regent had any power at all inherent in himself, it was that of choosing his servants. What advisers should the sovereign be supposed constitutionally to have in the act of choosing an administration? After an administration was chosen, then, indeed, there existed responsible advisers; but antecedently to that, no one knew where to look for them. If the proposed address should be adopted, parliament would be, in fact, doing all it could to destroy responsibility. It would be trenching on one of the dearest prerogatives of the crown it would be attempting nothing less than to appoint the ministry istself: And, besides, its conduct would be highly unconstitutional, because it brought forward not one act by which its dissatisfaction with the present administration was marked. It was said, indeed, that the administration was averse to the consideration of the catholic petition; but the basis of their opinion was the principle of the revolution of 1688. The chief principle of that revolution was civil freedom engrafted on religious freedom, on liberal and extensive toleration; but, at the same time, all connected with a view to the maintenance of the protestant national church, and the protestant succession. Every thing was then done consistently with these objects; and now we were asked to depart from the establishments which were then so wisely formed. We were asked also to depart from those establishments, without any counterpoise to the danger to be apprehended. Se curities, indeed, were talked of, and were even paraded in publications; but when the nature of these securities was asked, who could explain it ? Who could inform the House what they were? Nothing could give enlightened men more pleasure than to be convinced that no danger existed from concession to the catholics.--But when no person came forward with the securities, when the one already proposed was abandoned, what could be done but to make a stand with the establishments, as settled at the Revolution? Let the catholics, then, bring forward their securities, and every person would be willing to enter into the question of their claims; but until that event should come about, who could consent to a radical change in the constitution, or to adopt any measure which would put its existence to hazard? The wording of the address was on the principle of exclusion, while it pretended to lead to the formation of an administration on a broad and liberal basis.-That the proposed address could only be intended to dictate to the Prince Regent, who had already endeavoured to form an administration on a liberal and extended basis. With reference to several of the political grounds on which a difference of opinion subsisted betwixt the great parties the conduct of the war in the peninsula-the orders in council the state of the currency, &c., it might be asked whether the Lords Grey and Grenville would be so rash as to propose a radical change in all the measures adopted by government, or whether they would be inclined to follow the same plans, and only to change the administration? That in every thing the ministers had done, they had repeatedly obtained the sanction of parliament; yet the House was now called upon, without any good reason, to present an address which must have accomplished an entire change of administration, and a complete alteration of the system hitherto pursued. That it remained a question of great importance, whether parliament should hazard the introduction of catholicism to the government of the country, disposed, as persons of that sect were, to spurn at every fair and reasonable compromise; and looking thus at one most important branch of the motion, it was impossible to entertain it for a moment. It would have been an insult to carry up an address to the Prince Regent such as that which had been submitted to the House." This motion, although it failed of the intended effect, drew from Earl Grey an exposition of his political creed, which, as it may be a matter of curiosity in this age of political discussion, shall be here recorded. On this trying occasion, when there was yet a hope of his accession to power, Lord Grey was rather cautious and reserved in the declaration of his principles; yet enough was said to let any man of candour and understanding into these important secrets. "He did not deny that the motion appeared to him substantially intended to produce a change of administration. The noble lord by whom that motion was brought forward, could have had no other object when he made it. It could be understood in no other sense than an application to the Prince Regent to remove the present ministers from their situations for the reasons there stated, that such a measure could alone conciliate the different parts of this empire, at a period which more than any other required the full exercise of all the resources of the country. This, it has been said by the noble and learned lord who spoke last, (Lord Eldon) was a strong measure. That it was a strong measure he would not attempt to deny. But he confessed he had heard with much surprise that night, that this measure was unconstitutional; and that to express the sentiments of the House, with respect to the present ministry, was to interfere with the prerogative possessed by the crown of nominating its ministers. It was certainly no part of the duty of the House either to nominate the ministers of the crown, or to point out the method in which they ought to be nominated. But while he allowed this, he was of opinion, that if sufficient grounds could be shewn. why a ministry were unfit to fill the situations which they held, there was nothing in parliamentary precedent to prevent the House from making an application to the crown for the reme val of those ministers, when it was College had never existed, was hostile thought they were unequal to the crisis. to the principle of his leader. Perhaps This he would contend was a subject it might be said that the new addition within the cognizance of parliament; to their strength differed on this point. and to exercise their powers on such an Of the noble lord he alluded to (Lord occasion, was not only a legitimate but Castlereagh) he was unwilling to speak a laudable object; it was an endeavour in his absence. He could not, howto consolidate all the strength and re- ever, forbear saying, that it appeared sources of the empire. The question to him the principles of that noble lord for the consideration of the House were even very much as he himself then was, whether the present admi- described Europe to be, In an unsanistration, in its quality and principles, tisfactory state.' Agreeing to the presented obstacles to the union of principle of those who advocated the the strength and resources of all parts claims of the catholics, that noble lord of the empire. It might safely be could never see a convenient time for said of this administration, that it was the application of that principle, so formed on the express principle of re- that he fully coincided in the practical sistance to the catholic claims. This part of the conduct of his co-adjutors. was the principle by which the person Perhaps it would be said, the noble who was at the head of that admini- earl opposite differed on this principle. stration made his way to power. This But as the leading members of the was the principle which led him to cabinet maintained the necessity of exmake use of all the arts of detraction clusion, and the others blindly followto attain that object. This principle ed them in their practice, he was warhe loudly proclaimed, from the mo- ranted in stating the present adminiment at which he had been called stration to be founded on a principle from the bar to take a share in politi- of resistance to the catholic claims.cal life up to the present instant. It The noble and learned lord had said, was his boast-it was put by him in he had never heard of any sermons the front of the battle-the eternal lately preached on this subject. Where exclusion of his Roman catholic fel- the noble lord had lived he knew not; low-subjects from any share in the but he knew that within these few constitution. When he had stated, weeks, persons invested with the sathat such were the principles of that cred character of clergymen, forgetdistinguished individual, he had no ting all the principles of that relineed to say more to shew that they gion which they professed, instead of were the principles of administration. preaching the doctrines of peace and He was the administration. Whither unity, which it was their duty to he led, the rest were obliged to follow. preach, had thought proper to endeaWas he to be told by the noble and vour to inspire one part of the comlearned lord on the woolsack, who had munity with hostile feelings against just stated resistance to the catholics to their brethren; and of those persons be a fundamental principle of the Re- who acted this most unbecoming part, volution, that that noble and learned some were supposed to be seriously lord differed on this subject from the connected with those who composed person at the head of the administra- the present administration. One of tion? Did the secretary of state for the them, it appeared from the Gazette, home department differ from him? He was lately selected to be a chaplain could hardly think that the person who to the Prince Regent.-Had he not wished from his heart that Maynooth a right, therefore, to call the exist ng cabinet a cabinet of intolerance, preventing that union of common interests and affection, so necessary to the country in her present hour of peril? They had heard that night of broad and narrow administrations; and the noble and learned lord on the woolsack had observed, that nothing was so mischievous as a broad-bottomed administration. With this character he was disposed to concur, if the noble lord meant such a broad and liberal basis as should comprehend persons of the most discordant opinions, who, for the sake of coalition, must either sacrifice their own sentiments, or carry dissensions into the cabinet. But the present administration was narrowed to complete unanimity; for if report spoke true of the other accessions to the administration, they would be found possessed of exactly the same character, and to be very suitable additions to an administration founded on a principle of resistance to the catholic claims. He saw two noble lords on the cross bench (Lords Sidmouth and Buckinghamshire) who were publicly designated as the future supporters of administration. He knew not whether any communication had yet been made to them from the ministry. Who were these noble lords? They were the only lords who, in the late debate on the catholic claims in that House, ventured to assert the principle of eternal exclusion. One of them came forward with the doctrine of the coronation oath, operating as an eternal exclusion against the catholics, and the other with perfect consistency had proposed measures which united every class of dissenters in one common cause. Now looking at an administration so formed, was it not, he would ask, an administration which must of necessity be obnoxious to a great part of his majesty's subjects? The noble and learned lord had told them, that nothing would make him so happy as to extend the benefits of the constitution to all classes of the people, in so far as the same could be done without danger to the state; but, that the fundamental principles of the Revolu tion stood in the way of all further concession. For his part he denied this to be a fundamental principle of the Revolution. He denied that it was the principle of those great men by whom the Revolution was accomplish. ed. The disabilities against the catholics were not established for the purpose of guarding the national church against those who professed another system of religion, but for the purpose of withstanding political tenets, by which the constitution was endangered. The noble and learned lord,' exclaimed Lord Grey, calls upon us for securities. We ask him for his danger? The danger consisted not in admitting the catholics, but in exclu ding them from the constitution. Already they were possessed of great riches and great political power, and constituted an important part of the strength of the state. By this exclu sion they were forced and united into a separate interest. Take away the ex. clusion, and, the motives for a separate interest no longer existing, the hostility to the state would also necessarily cease. But what securities were to be proposed? The noble and learned lord had stated that Mr Pitt knew of none. Mr Pitt brought forward this very measure of concession to the catholics, which he considered as necessary to the safety of the state. Could he propose such a measure, if he thought it would endanger the safety of the state? But the noble and learned lord had said, that Mr Pitt had no securities to propose. Then all the conduct of Mr Pitt was nothing but a pretence; and he did not state the securities because he was unwilling, but because he was unable to do so. The noble and learned lord had spoken in encomiastic |