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hion. On this point there could be no dispute why were we so? Because it was the policy of the authors of this and the preceding war which had made us so; which had first made Buonaparte consul for life, and afterwards, in alliance with his own talents, had made him emperor, and had enabled him to trample upon every hostile state. The same errors and fallacies were still circulating and still believed; one day Prussia was said to be arming against France, on another she was described as uniting her force to that of France, to assist in crushing the only independent state remaining on the continent. It was his duty, then, to ask the people to be misled no longer by the fatal policy of ministers; and he would ask the right hon. gentleman himself, not to become the victim of his own infatuation, by bringing the country to the end of its resources. He believed the period must soon arrive when this would be the case. He should be sorry if any thing had fallen from him that might bear an interpretation fo. reign to his intentions, but he had deemed it an impressive duty to enter into this avowal of his sentiments."

The Chancellor of the Exchequer declared, "that every offensive impression which the hon. gentleman had made, more on the feelings of his hon. friends than on his own, was complete ly removed. He had certainly not attributed to the hon. gentleman that which he imagined him to have done. As to the question immediately before the house, he held it to be desirable that in populous towns the soldiery ought rather to be kept apart than to be quartered on the people. The hon. gentleman had again alluded to the orders in council; but could they be said to prevent the importation of corn, when it was generally known that, notwithstanding their operation, eight millions had been paid last year for foreign corn imported? The fact was,

that the scarcity was felt as severely in France at present as in England.”

Mr Stephen "confessed that he did not hear the first speech of the hon. gentleman, but had the misfortune to hear the two last. He should certainly think himself greatly wanting in his duty to the public, if he did not endeavour to counteract, by every effort in his power, the mischievous misrepresentations of the measures of government which were circulated insidiously through the country. Those misrepresentations were calculated to divert the resources of the country from that patriotic channel in which they ought to flow, into a channel of disaffection; they were calculated to make men turn away their confidence from the conductors of our public affairs, and to make them believe that until certain measures were adopted, until a change, which he knew to be impossible, should take place, the country could never regain its former prosperity. It was the proper and peculiar duty of a member of parlia ment not to suffer the public to be deluded by artful misrepresentations,— not to suffer their ignorance or their prejudices to be worked upon by those persons in the country who seemed to spend their time and talents in poisoning the minds of the people. He could conceive nothing more mischievous in a political, nor more infamous in a moral sense, than the propagation of the falsehood which was now disseminated; of falsehood he should say, because there were many members on the benches opposite, and even the honourable gentleman himself, (Mr Whitbread) who had admitted at various times that the effect of the orders in council was not such as was now attributed to them. He held in his hand a paper which was just one of that description which now crowded the newspapers, and in hand-bills crept through the country; this paper was

signed, "A Staffordshire Potter," and it set out with a most notorious falsehood, that before the orders in council,_ and under the first operation of Buonaparte's decrees, our trade was not diminished (Hear, hear, from Mr Baring.) What? did he hear a cheer from any gentleman opposite? or was the cheer from him who had often taken part in debates on this subject, and who must, therefore, be well acquainted with the truth of the fact which he was alluding to? Did the honourable gentleman mean that the representation of the paper was right? If so, he should certainly move a resolution on the fact, and have it officially before the house. (Move, move! from the opposition benches.) He disdained those sneering cries, because he knew that there was no person who would venture to call upon him seriously for proof of a fact which was in evidence before the house. It was already known, that during the first three months after the issuing of Buonaparte's decrees, until the orders in council were adopted, our trade had not only diminished, but was entirely at a stand; that there were no exports, and that many of the cargoes which had cleared the river for the continent were obliged to be relanded. The insurance was even so high as 60 per cent.; so that scarcely any underwri ter was to be found who would subscribe one. This was a stubborn fact, and yet, in defiance of such a truth, there were men who could be base enough to mislead poor ignorant ma nufacturers, and make them attribute to the orders in council, and the go. vernment who advised them, all the evils of their present condition. Such a bold and rank imposture he would not impute to any member of that house, because he was aware that the intentions of them all were pure; but he would say, that such an imposture must proceed from a French party,

animated by French spirit, imbued with French principles, entertaining French views, discontented with their own government, and willing to rush upon measures that must be fatal to all that Englishmen hold dear, to the freedom that Englishmen cherish, and the independence, without which they would not care to exist. Such an imposture as this, in such a country, and under such a government, was unparalleled in the baseness and profligacy of mankind. In justice to the poor deluded manufacturers, he wished to see these detestable arts abandoned; and this effort of his indignation was directed to no other purpose. He begged the lurking authors of those misrepresentations to look to the consequences; to see that they were only. paving the way for the ravages of military force, and exposing the nation to a deluging waste of blood.-The honourable and learned gentleman then proceeded to shew, that in the six months subsequent to the issuing of the orders in council, the country had reached a pitch of prosperity unknown at any former period of our history,— that our exports were unexampled, amounting to no less an excess than ten millions. After this statement, he would put it to the candour of the honourable gentleman, whether he was fair in the introduction into his speeches of those little episodes on the orders in council; whether his custom of flinging a remark or two on this subject into the context of his casual speeches, was altogether very gracious,, when he always declined making any specific motion,-any motion that could be distinctly met by the evidence of facts which were too strong to be broken down. The honourable gentleman was always carping at the orders in council, save the first two years, when he thought it convenient to be silent on their effects; and now again he came forward with his views,

and prospects, and prophecies; and it appeared that in his opinion there was no alternative for England but inability to carry on the war, or submission. Really, although he was not himself totally devoid of apprehension, he confessed that he derived some consolation from the honourable gentleman's evil predictions. In fact, the honourable gentleman's prophecy was to him the very best security he could wish for. The reputation of a prophet seemed to be the fame now most in vogue; and if the ambition of the honourable gentleman was very soaring, he would recommend him to be come editor of Moore's Almanack, in which work he could have a wide field for the display of his abilities. The prediction of sun-shine in the dogdays, or a fall of snow in December, might fortuitously and felicitously turn out to be realised, and the character of the honourable gentleman might be retrieved.-The honourable and learned gentleman then argued, that the present scarcity was not to be attributed to the orders in council, contrary to what he understood had been stated by the honourable gentleman. (Here Mr Whitbread signified his dissent.) He was glad to see that the honourable gentleman disavowed, by his gesture, that he had imputed the scarcity to the government, that was at least one advantage gained by this irregular discussion. As to the asperity of the beginning of the debate, after the display of good humour by the honourable gentleman, he should not repeat the offensive expres sions which were applied to his right honourable friend. At the same time, he could not help saying, that when his right honourable friend was represented by the honourable gentleman as rising to his station by talent, and ingenuity, and dexterity, and afterwards said to have obtained his place because no one else would take it, there was

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some little appearance of discrepancy in the honourable gentleman's assertions. At one time it was his dexterity, and the next moment it was the refusal of others to take his situation, that kept him in it. His right honourable friend's dexterity must certainly be very formidable, when there was no person on the other side who would venture to change places with him. But if it was not even choice, but necessity, to which his right ho nourable friend owed his situation, he must say, that it was a most fortunate necessity for the country. If the withholding of their services on the part others was the means of preserving his right honourable friend to his country, then that refusal was a most important event in the history of England, and would be equally an important event to his character. It would shew that his fame, which was progressively increasing, and would increase to ages, arose not from any ardent and sanguine love of power-that its spring was not in ambition, but that it was driven to display itself by the disinclination of others to strengthen the administra tion, to share in the toils and perils of his situation. It was pleasing to him to say, that he knew no minister who had better graced his pre-eminence; and under his auspices he was confident that this country would not be reduced to the disgraceful alternative mentioned by the honourable gentleman opposite."-Such was the violence on the one side, and such the dignity displayed on the other, in the course of this famous conversation, which did much to exalt the character of Mr Perceval.-The historian of these times may well dispense with any reflections on an occurrence upon which the parties themselves have so effectually stamped their characters and pretensions.

About thirty years ago, the commissioners of public accounts report

ed their opinion that the office of paymaster of widows' pensions was a mere sinecure, that it was useless, and that it ought to be abolished. In a late report of the commissioners of military enquiry, these gentlemen referred to the former report of the commissioners of public accounts, confirmed their opinion, and recommended that on the death of the patentee, Gen. Fox, the office should be abolished. General Fox died in the interval betwixt the last and present sessions of parliament, but as the office had not been actually abolished, and as it was uncertain whether the legislature might concur in opinion with the commissioners, it was thought expedient, in the mean time, to fill up the appointment. Colonel M'Mahon, an old and faithful servant of the Prince Regent, a gentleman in whose praise the different parties in the house of commons vied with each other, was appointed to the office; but so anxious were ministers to avoid suspicion, that care had been taken distinctly to communicate to Colonel McMahon, that, considering the circumstances of his appointment, he was to hold the office subject to any view which parliament might afterwards take of it. The ministers had some reason to believe that they had thus secured the government against all misrepresentation; but in this they were greatly mistaken. The enemies of the appointment fully subscribed to all that had been said in praise of Colonel M'Mahon, but were not the more satisfied with the manner in which the official situation to which he had been appointed, had been bestowed. Far from thinking that the high character of the individual justified the appointment, they were of opinion, that the more deserving the man, the more strictly ought his appointment to be scrutinised. When a job was to be done, said they, if a person generally obnoxious were selected, there was less

reason to fear that men would forget their duty, and be cheated into silence, than when a man deservedly high in public estimation was appointed to a sinecure. The appointment, they said, was insulting to parliament. It flew directly in the face of their resolutions. The abolition of the office of paymaster of widows' pensions had been recommended not merely by the commissioners of 1783, but that recommendation had been confirmed by the commissioners of military enquiry in 1808, in the strongest manner.-The house itself, in 1810, after no very mild debate, had given its sanction to that recommendation. In that year, after a warm discussion on the 31st of May, and the 1st of June, and after one division, the house came to two resolutions. The first was of a very general nature, as it merely resolved, "That the utmost attention to economy is at all times the duty of parliament." The second stated, "That it was the opinion of that committee, that, in addition to the useful and effective measures already adopted for the abolition of sinecure offices, it was expedient to extend them to others, the duties of which were performed by deputy ;" and a farther amended resolution, after a long debate, declared, "That for this purpose, in addition to the useful and effective measures already adopted for the abolition of sinecures, and of offices the duties of which were executed by deputy, it was expedient to enable his majesty to reward in a different way those who had filled high effective civil offices.". -That the office held by Colonel M'Mahon in the prince's household was a high one, but it did not bring him within the meaning of the last resolution, which was only understood to comprehend those who held high effective situations in the courts of justice, in the army and navy, and in the public offices of state.-It appeared a mere jest to talk of the situa

tion held by Colonel M'Mahon as coming within the meaning of the resolution.--The resolution recommended the abolition of all offices which produced revenue without employment, and the regulation of those where the revenue and employment were disproportion ate. The reports both of the com. missioners of 1783, and of 1808, recommended the abolition of the two offices of paymaster and deputy paymaster of widows' pensions, as being unnecessary, the one having very little to do, the other nothing at all. The office of paymaster had in particular been recommended to be done away on the demise of General Fox. Now, what had been done by ministers when that event took place? Why, at a time when the house was not sitting, and parliament had no opportunity of addressing the Prince Regent on the subject, they had advised that the office should be given to Colonel M'Mahon! But then, said the ministers, it was distinctly communicated to him that he was to hold it subject to any future act of parliament. What was there in this? Why, Colonel M'Mahon held his own private estate subject to any future act of parliament. That he must so hold his sinecure was known to him before, and his having been told so then, only proved that the ministers were conscious they were disre garding those principles which had been recognised by the house and its commissioners. It had been said that it was not granted to General Fox for life any more than to Colonel M'Mahon; but on turning to the report of 1783, it would be seen that no reason had been given for not immediately abolishing the office, but that it was then held by General Fox. If, then, they had acted consistently with that recommendation, on his death it would have been abolished. That the grant of it to Colonel M'Mahon did not prevent its being subject to a future act

of parliament, was certain, but it threw an obstacle in the way of its abolition, and on this ground they could not but object to the appointment.

The speakers on the other side replied to some arguments against appointing members of parliament to official situations, as well as to the objections made to the appointment more immediately under the consideration of the house. On the several questions they took high ground. It is obvious, said they, that where a member has been appointed to an office which renders him incapable of sitting in parliament, he cannot belong to the class of persons by whom the determinations of the house of commons are said to be improperly influenced. By accepting office under government, he vacates his seat, and his constituents must determine whether he shall again fill it. If they disapprove of him as their representative, the remedy is in their own hands. But does any one really think that the circumstance of being a member of the house of commons should disqualify any gentleman from serving the public in an official capacity? Who will pretend that a barrister, for instance, who has discovered extraordinary talents, should be excluded from holding a public office, because he is a member of parliament ? Yet to such absurdities did the arguments on the other side lead, for it had been admitted that to all the appointments complained of, men of talent and integrity had been selected. No want of honour or of capacity to fill the situations to which they had been appointed had been charged against any of them; and if the appointments were objectionable, they must be so on this foundation, that the gentlemen on whom they had been conferred, had been thought, worthy of a seat in that house by their constituents. The objection had the merit of novelty to be sure, but could

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