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which you have authorized. On a low calculation, it will give to the country fifty millions of dollars of capital, which will enrich its citizens, fertilize its soil, and greatly benefit its manufac. turing interests. I repeat, sir, it will aid instead of depressing our manufacturing establishments. With the advantages of light taxation, cheap subsistence, a population to consume our manufac. tures, with many neighboring markets and abundance of the necessary raw materials, why has not this country already superseded Great Britain to the extent of these demands? Nothing has prevented it but the want of capital. Increase your capital and you will soon have flourishing manufacturing establishments; for they require three times as much capital as commercial establishments; and more of course than has heretofore been at liberty to be diverted to that channel. If you throw upon the country a flood of capital,

and then close your ports so as to preclude the

employment of the capital in commerce, manufacturing establishments will thrive. that nothing depresses them but the want of capital; and in support of this, I appeal to the gentleman from Philadelphia whether the duration of the late embargo was not the era of the effectual commencement of their manufacturing establishments. It was, and it operated thus beneficially to manufactures by locking up in our country the capital previously employed in commerce. We shall not benefit England, then, by this measure so much as ourselves. To her it will facilitate her merchants in the mode of paying her debts; to us, it will secure the payment of a vast debt to our merchants, which might otherwise be wholly lost. But it is said that this measure will elevate the spirit of the British nation. I apprehend this argument to be erroneous. What, sir, will be its effect in this particular 7 It will convince Great Britain and her subjects of the great importance of the friendship of America as a customer. If it produce a benefit to her by elevating the spirit of the people while enjoying the advantage, it will depress them on the other hand when it is torn from them, and inspire them with a disgust to a war in support of her injustice towards us. It will have a greater effect in this respect than a victorious battle. It will show them and make

This proves

about to engage in an arduous and calamitous war, when it is also recommended by such an accession of revenue. Double duties will give to our manufacturers an advantage they have never heretofore possessed ; and is there a single gentleman in the House who would say that we should close our ports forever to encourage manufactures? Such a measure would not be effectual— but would it be wise to depress three-fourths, nine-tenths, of the community to benefit one 3 Such a policy, if pursued, would make the country poor and miserable in the experiment to make it independent. Our manufacturers ought not to ask, and if they ask they ought not to receive, such a protection as would prove the destruction of commerce and agriculture. But the spirit of the people of the United States, we are told, will be depressed by it—the people will believe we are not serious in our intention to go to war. Really, sir, if we have not within us that firmness which will sustain us against difficulties of this kind; if we are to be blown about from pole to pole by every zephyr which we mistake for popular sentiment, there is an end to our proceedings. But if we have within ourselves firmness enough to carry us through ; if the people are disposed to support us, they will look with tenderness even on our errors. We must put out of view considerations of this kind. We must believe the people as resolved as ourselves, and that they will have the good sense to see that securing individual property and increasing the national wealth cannot operate national injury. Look at the arguments which are presented to you in support of a measure. If they satisfy your mind of its propriety, trust to the people, among whom good sense is more generally diffused throughout every part of this country than in any other on earth, for an approbation of your conduct. If the reasons in favor of a measure are insufficient, reject it; but, if otherwise, trust to the people, who will as readily as yourself discover the force of the arguments which had influenced your mind. The people will immediately themselves feel the advantages and benefit of this measure, and will see the wis! dom and forecast of the policy which induced its adoption. I believe we have now in Great Britain a capital equal to the whole amount of

them feel the evil of a war with us. On balan- our banking capital. Now, sir, if any gentleman cing the evil and benefit to us to be produced by will look at our towns and see, how they have this measure on the spirit of the people of Eng- flourished; look at the stately buildings which

land, we shall find the scale to preponderate in our favor. How will this measure affect our manufacturing establishments 7 Will it affeet them injuriously 7 No, sir. It is intended to submit to the consideration of the Committee amendments leading to the adoption of double duties an all importations of foreign goods. These duties are intended as a war system; and believing the country on the eve of war, I have thought it almost madness or folly—I mean no disrespect to the House or any member of it, but it has appeared to me to be almost madness or folly, not to possess the country of all its capital at the moment we are

have risen, at the forests which have fallen, and the cultivation which gladdens our fields under the influence of this power—he will see all this benefit resulting from the employment of a sum not greater than that which will remain in the hands of our enemy at the commencement of an arduous war with that enemy. On the verge of |* war with one nation and in a state which is certainly equivocal, to say no more, with another, we must look with apprehension at the power of both; and this youngest nation it is proposed shall commence a war, bereft of a large portion of her resources which she leaves in the grasp of sie enemy. The people have eyes to see and

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the time fixed for war. One day’s delay then would be injurious. This is an argument so selfevident as to obviate the necessity of enforcing it. Even those opposed to the measure ought to be in favor of an early decision on it. If it should be adopted, even they would wish us to derive all possible good from it; but if procrastinated, we should suffer all the evil and enjoy none of the good. . In another point of view an early decision was of importance. The agitation of this question gave great room for speculation. Mr. C. made further observations to prove the propriety of proceeding at this time in the discussion. The motion for the Committee’s rising being withdrawn— Mr. C. proceeded. The merits of this question, he said, had been so fully and ably illustrated by his colleague, that he had not pressed what he proposed to say upon the Committee: waiting till others who had objections to the bill should have urged them, when he had proposed to venture a short reply. But as no one appeared disposed now to oppose the bill before the Committee rose, he should take the liberty of offering a brief view of the subject. The grounds of objection to the bill probably were, 1. That it was a violation of our compact with France. 2. That its passage would have an injurious effect, by diminishing the pressure of the non-importation act on Great Britain. 3. That it will have an injurious effect on ourselves, by depressing the spirit of the country. And lastly, that it will repress the exertions of our manufacturers, and check the prosperity of their rising establishments. Mr. C. said he agreed with gentlemen on the importance of national honor. As men, as citizens, as gentlemen, he hoped they never, should be insensible to feelings of that kind; and it was impossible that the active and lucid mind of his friend from South Carolina (Mr. Low NDEs) should have failed to perceive its bearing on this question; and he accordingly placed it on its proper ground. I had the honor, said Mr. C. with the worthy gentleman from Maryland, on a former occasion, to give my aid in supporting what I conceived to be the national faith. But I did not then mean, sir, that a yoke should be hung round the neck of this proud-spirited nation; that we should march in the track of France; that we should bind ourselves to support such measures as her policy required. After the spirit of this nation had risen higher—when I had supposed the people, from one extreme of the continent to the other, had determined no longer to trifle with half-way measures, but end our differences by decisive war—I had not supposed that our compact with France was such as to prevent our carrying advantageously into effect this more manly course. I will not consider it as a compact regarding the interests of France and to bind us forever; but, if I were to consider the interest of France alone, I would ask if the measure of embargo, which we adopted the other day, be not ten times as strong as that which was before in force. I look, however, at

the interests of the people; I look, too, at their honor; but I see nothing in the compact with France, to prevent our taking this step. After our arrangement with that nation there was an act passed which violated equally its letter, permitting the importation of certain goods, shipped previous to the first day of February ; but that measure was necessary to secure our citizens from extensive losses which would have been innocently incurred, and it was recognised by the course subsequently proposed by France. But now a measure is proposed which has become more necessary to our interests—to a great course of policy, to war—and shall such an objection as the alleged violation of our compact with France arrest us in the great and determined march 2 I appeal to the feelings and impressions of this House. They are often a clearer result of wise judgment than anything produced by the most obvious chain of argument. What, I ask, is the determination of this House? That we shall have no longer continuance of the restrictive system, but war in lieu of it. If so, I ask you, sir, if you will not prepare for war 2 If war be morally certain, I will ask whether a measure necessary in that event can be considered a violation of our compact with France 2 Whether it be necessary, in the execution of any compact with France, to execute the restrictive system in connexion with war when it is to work such evil to ourselves 7 Let us look further, sir. Suppose we should not go to war with Great Britain: that we should act a part which I should consider as deeply degrading; suppose we should fail in performing what we have so often declared our intention to be ; that we should not carry into effect the resolve so repeatedly made—who will continue this system 7 I for one will not. Our mational injuries call for this step. ; and if we have not war at or before the termination of the embargo, I for one will recede from our present restrictive measures. I appeal to the high spirit of my friend from Maryland, whether he himself would view the non-importation as a fit measure of retaliation; whether he himself would not say to the mercantile part of the community, in such an event, “go and protect yourselves; defend your own rights, as we abandon them 7” That is what I would say, and I think my honorable friend would say the same. If we are resolved on war, on the other hand, as I believe we are, and the embargo be preliminary, is not the measure of restriction merged in this stronger measure ? It certainly is. This then, sir, terminates the argument as regards our compact with France. We will view it now as the measure will affect England. Will it affect England beneficially in anything like the degree in which it would benefit us? On the one hand it will relieve Great Britain by affording a vent for a portion of her surplus productions; on the other it will give to America as much national wealth, as much money, as will be sufficient to support a five years' war. It will give her a revenue, if the whole amount of American capital be brought home,

equal to the loan of eleven millions of dollars April, 1812.

which you have authorized. On a low calculation, it will give to the country fifty millions of dollars of capital, which will enrich its citizens, fertilize its soil, and greatly benefit its manufac. turing interests. I repeat, sir, it will aid instead of depressing our manufacturing establishments. With the advantages of light taxation, cheap subsistence, a population to consume our manufac. tures, with many neighboring markets and abundance of the necessary raw materials, why has not this country already superseded Great Britain to the extent of these demands 3 Nothing has prevented it but the want of capital. Increase your capital and you will soon have flourishing manufacturing establishments; for they require three times as much capital as commercial establishments; and more of course than has heretofore been at liberty to be diverted to that channel. If you throw upon the country a flood of capital,

and then close your ports so as to preclude the

employment of the capital in commerce, manufacturing establishments will thrive. This proves that nothing depresses them but the want of capital; and in support of this, I appeal to the gentleman from Philadelphia whether the duration of the late embargo was not the era of the effectual commencement of their manufacturing establishments. It was, and it operated thus benefieially to manufactures by locking up in our country the capital previously employed in commerce. We shall not benefit England, then, by this measure so much as ourselves. To her it will facilitate her merchants in the mode of paying her debts; to us, it will secure the payment of a vast debt to our merchants, which might 5therwise be wholly lost. But it is said that this measure will elevate the spirit of the British nation. I apprehend this argument to be erroneous. What, sir, will be its effect in this particular 3 It will convince Great

Britain and her subjects of the great importance If

of the friendship of America as a customer. it produce a benefit to her by elevating the spirit of the people while enjoying the advantage, it

will depress them on the other hand when it is

torn from them, and inspire them with a disgust to a war in support of her injustice towards us. It will have a greater effect in this respect than a victorious battle. It will show them and make them feel the evil of a war with us. On balancing the evil and benefit to us to be produced by this measure on the spirit of the people of England, we shall find the scale to preponderate in our favor. How will this measure affect our manufacturing establishments? Will it affeet them injuriously 7 No, sir. It is intended to submit to the consideration of the Committee amendments leading to the adoption of double duties an all importations of foreign goods. These duties are intended as a war system; and believing the country on the eve of war, I have thought it almost madness or folly—I mean no disrespect to the House or any member of it, but it has appeared to me to be almost madness or folly, not to possess the country of all its capital at the moment we are

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about to engage in an arduous and calamitous war, when it is also recommended by such an accession of revenue. Double duties will give to our manufacturers an advantage they have never heretofore possessed ; and is there a single gentleman in the House who would say that we should close our ports forever to encourage manufactures? Such a measure would not be effectual— but would it be wise to depress three-fourths, nine-tenths, of the community to benefit one 2 Such a policy, if pursued, would make the country poor and miserable in the experiment to make it independent. Our manufacturers ought not to ask, and if they ask they ought not to receive, such a protection as would prove the destruction of commerce and agriculture. But the spirit of the people of the United States, we are told, will be depressed by it—the people will believe we are not serious in our intention to go to war. Really, sir, if we have not within us that firmness which will sustain us against difficulties of this kind; if we are to be blown about from pole to pole by every zephyr which we mistake for popular sentiment, there is an end to our proceedings. But if we have within ourselves firmness enough to carry us through ; if the people are disposed to support us, they will look with tenderness even on our errors. We must put out of view considerations of this kind. We must believe the people as resolved as ourselves, and that they will have the good sense to see that securing individual property and increasing the national wealth cannot operate national injury. Look at the arguments which are presented to you in support of a measure. If they satisfy your mind of its propriety, trust to the people, among whom good sense is more generally diffused throughout every part of this country than in any other on earth, for an approbation of your conduct. If the reasons in favor of a measure are insufficient, reject it; but, if otherwise, trust to the people, who will as readily as yourself discover the force of the arguments which had influenced your mind. The people | will immediately themselves feel the advantages and benefit of this measure, and will see the wisdom and forecast of the policy which induced its adoption. I believe we have now in Great Britain a capital equal to the whole amount of our banking capital. Now, sir, if any gentleman will look at our towns and see how they have flourished; look at the stately buildings which have risen, at the forests which have fallen, and ; the cultivation which gladdens our fields under the influence of this power—he will see all this benefit resulting from the employment of a sum not greater than that which will remain in the

hands of our enemy at the commencement of an arduous war with that enemy. On the verge of a war with one nation and in a state which is certainly equivocal, to say no more, with another, we must look with apprehension at the power of both ; and this youngest nation it is proposed shall commence a war, bereft of a large portion of her resources which she leaves in the grasp of lio enemy. The people have eyes to see and

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ears to hear, and will approve the redemption of this property from its present peril. This argument will stand of itself. The measure now before us is wise in itself; and, besides being intrinsically proper, it is one of which the people will not fail immediately to seel the benefit. It is not only wise, sir, but it will be popular. Mr. Boy D.—Mr. Chairman, I wish to make some observations in favor of the Committee rising, and against the bill. Sir, should not this multitude of words be answered ? And shall unlimited and confident assertions pass for reason and argument 2 The gentlemen just sat down (Mr. LowNDEs and Mr. Cheves) have dealt largely in assertions, all of which remain to be proved, before they are entitled to that weight and importance that they assume. They, in support of the bill, say that it is bottomed on strict justice and sound undeniable policy; and a suitable and proper prelude to war. They also state that the property in England, purchased and paid for before the issuing of the President's proclamation, amounts to many millions—fifty, if I remember right. Now, sir, I ask, where is the proof of this fact to be found 7 To my mind, it is not probable, that there was bought and paid for under the then existing circumstances more than one fifteenth part of that sum. But I will suppose that we are to be referred to petitions, artfully and ingeniously expressed, and by men unknown to us, and for the purpose of obtaining an exemption from the operation of law, and a bounty for their non-conformity. No, sir, not so I trust. My maxim is, be true to yourselves, and observe stability and firmness in the execution of your laws. Let me ask, what nation or people will or can have confidence in a Government under such versatile and unstable conduct 7 You have taken the treatymaking power out of the hands of the President into your own, by passing a law directing him to offer to both the belligerents certain propositions of equal tenor, and that the Power refusing to relinquish her orders or decrees after the acceptance of the terms by the other should be interdicted by proclamation, (what is now called the non-intercourse.) This he did, and in conformity to your own deliberate proposition and law. And, let me ask, what was your law intended for ? I will say, to obtain and secure your commercial rights, and most assuredly in favor of and for merchants. And was not that law notorious to them 7 And if they, as merchants, choose to risk their property, pray who is to blame? Must you repeal your law to cover or excuse their presumption ? But the supporters of the bill say it is because it is American property; therefore, they would repeal the law. They also say, it is calculated to increase American manufactures, and to augment our capital, and thereby enable us to go to war. This is archly political, and too refined for me. It is my opinion, that in the present state of England and the practice of custom house proofs, that under a repeal of the

law we would receive (if indeed it could be got

in) to the amount of one hundred millions worth

Importation of British Goods.

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APRIL, 1812.

of their manufactures. But how are you to get it in 2 Those gentlemen say, it is a prelude to war. Suppose your orders sent out to ship the goods bought and paid for, and to be bought (for such is the plan,) will not England know that you are to declare war against her, and seize them before they arrive in this country, when at the same time you tell them that you will declare war in sixty or ninety days at furthest ? I think that they would, all but what belonged to their own agents coming under British license, and will have more of that sort in motion than any other. But I will suppose that they should get in safe, contrary to all probability; would it not inundate the country with their goods to the total destruction of our infant manufactories, and furnish those same good and innocent people, the merchants, with an opportunity to filch from the hard earnings of our cultivators at least fifty per cent... if war, one hundred—should war, as they assert, take place? And this is their way of favoring American manufactures | Sir, this does not comport with my idea of independence, and encouragement to our infant establishments; no, sir, it is precisely the reverse, these gentlemen to the contrary notwithstanding. To me, sir, it appears, that if the bill should pass, we should furnish Great Britain with a large capital; relieve her starving mechanics, and bankrupt manufacturers, and enable them to get off their hands a great quantity and at this time perishing goods. It has also been said, in support of this bill, as well as others, that all our restrictive measures have only injured ourselves, and have had no sensible operation on England, and now we are about to take a manly attitude. This again is assertion—what saith fact? Let me mention one, and see whether it will not be as good as assertions without proofs. I allude to the embargo and non-intercourse. It brought Great Britain to the acknowledgment of our rights, by the arrangement made by Mr. Erskine, their minister; and, in my opinion, would now do so if properly applied. A word about our consistency of conduct. We have been more than five months in session, talking loudly of war; by our conduct inviting our merchants to double their diligence in shipping off all our surplus produce; and I understand that they have improved the time beyond example, exporting perhaps nothing short of a year's supply to the British in Spain, Portugal, and their West India possessions; I may add their navy. And now, when you have given that nation that you have marked out for an enemy one year's full supply, by which you have enabled her to wage that war with you that she could not otherwise have done, at least without much greater embarrassment than she will now experience, then lay an embargo for sixty or ninety days, and let your merchants lose by a partial repeal of the non-intercourse. It seems that it is not quite all that we are to help them to ; but put their manufactures in a situation to enable them to pay their taxes, feed themselves, and support their Government. Let me ask, by what it is that the Government of Britain is sup

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ported 3 Is it not by her manufactories and commeree ? And are not manufactures the foundation of this commerce? I have said that you have furnished her with one year's supply for all her great purposes, and now stop short and lay an embargo, (what you ought to have done five months since, if you intended war as the mode of obtaining our rights,) and say that we have a great deal of money due to us. , Let us get home our property and then-well, what are you going to get 2 Money? No no, that is rather a scarce article with her at this time. But we will get it in goods, it is said; the country needs then). Is not this to tell her that you cannot do without her; and at a time when you will declare war too? All this may be unanswerable argument of the supporters of the bill. But, sir, it does not square with my ideas either of consistency, good policy, or justice. Sir, nothing but the manner and positive mode of the speakers in favor of the bill called me up. I had not intended to obtrude any observations of mine on the committee; and am sensible that what I have said is but illy connected. But, sir, I will add. that no Government can stand long, or be respected abroad or at home, that has not stability and confidence in itself, and stability and firmness in its laws. No, sir, pursue this unstable way, temporizing on the spur of every accidental occasion, and you never will have your laws regarded. I hope that the Committee will reject the bill. The Committee then rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.

FRIDAY, April 10. Mr. DiNsmoor presented a letter addressed to him by Lemuel Fling, of the State of New Hampshire, stating that his son, Calvin Fling, a native citizen of the United States, has been impressed on board a British ship of war, and soliciting the interference of Congress, in effecting the release of his said son.—Referred to the committee appointed yesterday on the letter of Jonathan Coleman. Mr. MilNor presented a protest signed by ThoInas Hewett, late master of the American ship Asia, of Philadelphia, protecting against the plundering and burning of that vessel, which was done by order of the commander of a squadron of French ships of war, on the seventeenth of January last.—Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. Gholson, from the Committee of Claims, presented a bill to authorize the payment of certain certificates, credits, and pensions, and for other purposes; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next. Mr. Gholsox, from the same committee, made a report on the petition of Amy Dardin; which was read, and referred to a Committee of the Whole on Wednesday next. Mr. MoRRow, from the Committee on the Public Lands, to whom was referred the bill from the Senate “giving further time for registering

claims to land in the Eastern district of the Territory of Orleans,” reported the same without amendment, and the bill was ordered to be read the third time to-morrow. The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase or lease the old City Hall, in the city of New York. The bill was reported without amendment, and ordered to be engrossed, and read the third time to-morrow. A bill from the Senate “to enlarge the limits of the State of Louisiana” was read the third time and passed. A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed the bill “supplementary to ‘an act for arming and equipping the whole body of the militia of the United States,” with amendments; in which they desire the concurrence of this House. The amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill “supplementary to an act making provision for arming and equipping the whole body of the militia of the United States,” were read. and, together with the bill, ordered to lie on the table. Mr. MoRRow, from the Committee on the Public Lauds, to whom was referred the bill from the Senate “to provide for designating, surveying, and granting, the military bounty lands,” reported the same with amendments, which were read and, together with the bill, committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow.

IMPORTATION OF BRITISH GOODS.

The order of the day for the House to resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill to authorize the importation of goods, wares, and merchandise, under certain circumstances, from Great Britain, her colonies, or dependencies, being called for—

Mr. Pleas ANTs said he had no scruple in declaring that his mind had been in a greater state of doubt as to the propriety of this measure, and

what ought to be done in relation to it, than per

haps as to any other measure, which had been agitated during the present session. We are, said he, in a singular situation, in which we found ourselves at the commencement of the session. After all the deliberation which a large majority of this House have bestowed on that situation, and after the consideration of a number of propositions of the most important nature, it has appeared to be the determination of a large majority of this body, and of a majority in the other branch of the Legislature, to follow a certain course. Every step taken at the present session has had that object in view. In this state of things, a state in which we shall remain until a bold step be taken to the point to which the attention of all is directed, we find before us a bill contemplating a measure, the expediency of adopting which is at least yery doubtful. The arguments of the gentleman from South Carolina yesterday have thrown my mind into a state of suspense as to this measure. The advantages to be derived from it were clearly pointed out yesterday. But there are two sides to the

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