MAY, 1812. Petitions for Repeal of the Embargo. H. OF R. views of the Executive, and the motives which I feel an entire aversion to such a system, with led to that step, were fully explained to the Com- a view to coerce both or either of the belligerents mittee on Foreign Relations, in that informal in- to respect our rights. It has been tried; the extercourse which took place between the Secretary periment has failed to produce the desired effect; of State and the committee. The gentleman from we ought not longer to rely on it, but take the only Virginia was present, heard and partook in the stronger measure that remains. I voted for the conversations, and has a perfect knowledge of the embargo, as so I believe a majority of Congress whole transaction. The embargo was advised as did, as a fair warning to commercial men, that a preliminary to war with Great Britain; it was war was to follow it-to enable them to secure so understood by every member of the committee, their property from the grasp of the enemy, and and with that expression the Executive recom- to restrain any further adventures under the demendation was received in this House. lusive expectation of peace. This, sir, is conforCongress, on various occasions, during the pre-mable to the long established usage of all wise nasent session, had manifested a determination to go to war. The Executive had seen this: he recommends an embargo for sixty days, commencing on the 1st day of April. Can any man believe that he had not an eye as to what would be the state of the country, as it relates to preparations, at the expiration of that time? Who, sir, is to make the preparations? The Executive. Congress decrees the measure, and provides the means; the Executive is to employ the means furnished, to carry the measure into effect. I consider it the daty of the Executive; and he no doubt is well acquainted with the true state of the nation. He is to prosecute the war; he is responsible for all the great military movements of the Armies of the United States. Of course, it should be his privilege to determine at what time hostilities should commence, so far as it depends on this Government. He has exercised this privilege, and, by recommending an embargo for sixty days, has declared that he would be prepared to act at the termination of it. Gentlemen deceive themselves, when they suppose that we shall find ourselves as unprepared at the end of the embargo as we now are, and endeavor to prove this, by showing that preparations have hitherto progressed slowly. It is not correct to argue respecting the future from the past, where circumstances are essentially different. Until lately, the officers were not appointed-the recruiting service for the new Army had not commenced. The case is now different: most of the officers are at this time at their respective posts, and the recruiting service proceeds with such rapidity as to promise a competent force in a short period. Your fortifications on the seaboard are daily strengthening; and where so many are engaged, much may be done in a short time. The militia, who constitute our great national defence, have been called out from the different States. From all this, I infer that we may safely, ere long, bring before this House a subject which will put an end to this embargo-not by a bare repeal of it, but by open and avowed hostilities, or by granting letters of marque and reprisal, which is equivalent to a declaration of tions; and had Congress declared war, without such a precaution, it would have brought on us the merited censure of every enlightened citizen. But, sir, we are exultingly told, that the loan required by the Government to prosecute the war, has failed. This, to a certain extent, I admit ; but it has not failed to such a degree as to impede our progress. It is a fact much to be lamented, that there exists in this country an organized opposition to the constituted authorities, whose influence is seen and felt on this floor, and whenever an appeal is made to the patriotism of the people, its effects are transfused from one extremity of the United States to the other, for the purpose of defeating the measures which are adopted to maintain the honor of the nation. Yes, sir, every exertion has been made to weaken the arm of the Government, by means the most disgraceful. The people have been admonished to withhold their resources from us, in an hour of great public difficulty and danger. Sir, on the eve of a war with a foreign Power, it is surely no subject of congratulation to see a set of men combining together to weaken their own country, and thereby indirectly give an advantage to the enemy. Sir, I venture to predict, that if war is once begun, the difficulties which now present themselves to this proposed loan will vanish. The distinction of Federalists and Republicans will cease; the united energies of the people will be brought into action; the inquiry will be, are you for your country or against it? war. Gentlemen affect to believe, that we shall relapse into the old commercial restrictive system, as a substitute for war. There can be no ground for such apprehensions; no such wish or intention has been expressed on this floor or elsewhere, (so far as I have learned the sentiments of others,) by a single member. For myself, I can say, that 12th Cox. 1st SESS.-45 The gentlemen from Virginia said, that he came down to the House to-day to advise us to treat this petition respectfully. Sir, had the gentleman not come down to the House, we should not have treated this or any other petition with disrespect. The petitioners ask for that which cannot be granted; we answer them plainly and promptly. Is it not more respectful to treat them thus, than to excite hopes and expectations which it is not our intention to realize? Sir, I humbly conceive it is. To grant the prayer of this petition, and thereby enable the petitioners to hazard their property on the ocean, would be to inflict on them a signal injury. I cannot believe, if these petitioners seriously thought that war was to commence in less than sixty days, between Great Britain and the United States, that they would venture their property abroad in the manner which seems to be wished for. They have been induced, by a total perversion of the real intention of the majority of Congress, to think that H. OF R. Petitions for Repeal of the Embargo. such an event was not in contemplation. It is time they should be undeceived. MAY, 1812. he had a knowledge of the secret intentions of others, which were at variance with their protes sions. In this respect injustice was done to his statements, he only said (to the best of my recollection) that war was not the necessary consequence of an embargo. The gentleman from New York admonishes us that, if we go to war, we ought to take the hearts of the people with us. Sir, we all know that without this nothing effectual can be done. But is this object to be attained by a variable policy, which is to-day one thing and to-morrow another? No; convince them by a firm and determined conduct of your intentions, and they will go with you in every extremity, against any foreign foe with whom you come in collision. The gentleman from Virginia supposes, that with a very few exceptions, the majority in this House are anxious to get out of the scrape into which they have been precipitated. I imagine, that gentleman did not consult his usual accuracy of expression, when he permitted himself to employ this phraseology. Does the gentleman mean to say, that the majority would surrender the national rights, and tamely submit to the wrongs and insults which have been heaped upon us by Great Britain? If so, he is in a gross error, of which I hope in a few days to see him convinced. But, if he means, that we are anxious to be relieved from our present embarrassments by a just and honorable peace, the sentiment corresponds Sir, every member on this floor must feel for with the wishes of every friend to his country. the situation of the petitioners; they are sufferWar is not desired by any one. Necessity, not ing; it is a misfortune that this should be the choice, has induced us to resort to this last appeal case-but certainly it is some alleviation, to reof nations. There is no prospect of an adjust-flect, that this sacrifice is not made wantonly, but ment by amicable negotiation. Shall we then submit, or go on? There is no difficulty in the decision; and I trust, that every member of the majority will do his duty without fear or trembling. The gentleman from Virginia charges the majority with not having courage enough to lay the taxes, and says we have turned our backs upon them. In this, he is also mistaken. The resolutions reported by the Committee of Ways and Means, and adopted by the House, on the subject of taxes, made them contingent on a state of actual war. Whenever that point is finally settled, the necessary taxes will be imposed for supporting the public credit; and I did suppose that the intention of the House upon this subject could not be easily misunderstood. In the event of war, taxes will be indispensable; and I have no doubt, the people will cheerfully submit to them. We have not then turned our backs upon the taxes, as the gentleman may have imagined. Permit me now, sir, to call the attention of the House to the subject of our secret proceedings, while the bill laying an embargo was under discussion. The world was then shut out, none but select men, choice men of the people were in this hall, and, strange to tell, a mutilated, unfair, and false representation of our proceedings shortly appeared in the public prints! Sir, I would use stronger terms, did I not know, that the report must have been furnished by some member of this House. Among other misrepresentations contained in that report, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. RANDOLPH) was stated to have said on this floor, that the Secretary of State had observed to the Committee of Foreign Relations, that should New York or some other cities on the seaboard be destroyed by the enemy, it would not materially affect the great interests of the nation. Sir, the Secretary of State made no such observation to the Committee, nor did the gentleman from Virginia make any such statement to the House. The same gentleman is also made to say that he knew the embargo was not intended as a precursor of war, thereby conveying the idea, that with a view to secure national independence, individual liberty, and a permanent security for property. I regret, sir, that I have trespassed so long on the patience of the House in discharging what I deemed to be my duty. I hope the motion of my colleague will prevail. Mr. WRIGHT.-Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. RANDOLPH,) in the large range he has taken in this case, has passed in review before us all his objections to the embargo, and arraigned the majority of this House for the adoption of so ruinous a project. He tells us that the embargo forced our seamen into the power of Great Britain at upwards of fifty dollars per month, and that, without a very hot press in the British ports, where he insinuates they will be left by their American captains, they will be impressed into the British service. The embargo itself did not produce this effect, which it was in reality intended to remedy, but the disclosure of the secret intention of Congress to lay it, in which the breath of suspicion has never implicated me. But if the embargo, or rather the disclosure of its being about to take place, forced our seamen into the power of our enemy, and was therefore objectionable, how can the present proposition to export, without restriction, in an armed state, our productions, be secured from the same objection? Our ships that carry our products to market must be manned; and how, I ask, are these men to be secured from impressment? But. sir, we are charged by the same gentleman with being governed by certain ministerial prints in our Congressional measures; that the Aurora, the Democratic Press, the Whig, and the Intelligencer, are edited by foreigners, who have come here to disturb our repose by goading us on to war. Sir, I feel a conviction of the impropriety of that suggestion, as inapplicable not only to myself, but to the whole House. We, sir, have been governed by an honest zeal to represent our constituents in avenging the wrongs of our country, and a firm conviction of the wisdom and policy of the measures adopted for that purpose. But I MAY, 1812. Potomac River. H. OF R. sett, William W. Bibb, Robert Brown, William A. NAYS-Stevenson Archer, John Baker, Harmanus feel it due to those printers who cannot be heard in their own defence, to say that they have just claims on the gratitude of their adopted country for their patriotic exertions in supporting the principles of our glorious Revolution, and defending the measures of the Executive and Legislative Departments from the abominable slanders of the enemies of our liberties and independence those miscreant native printers, who have evinced the strongest disposition to plant daggers in the vitals of the liberties of their native country, under a foreign golden influence, I have no doubt. Sir, I wish the Representatives on this floor, elected by the American people, would test their devotion to their country's cause, with half the practical patriotism of these foreign printers-we should feel much less difficulty in preparing and progressing to avenge our wrongs. Sir, the gentleman from New York (Mr. BLEECKER) has told us that he is pleased with the signs of the times, and that ere long there shall come a voice from the East in the language of thunder, that shall make itself heard from Maine to Georgia, from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. What, sir! does that gentleman expect to alarm Congress, and by this threat of civil war to coerce a majority of this House to submit to be governed by a minority? If he does, sir, he will find himself mistaken; nor can I believe that such a disposition exists in the East to any considerable extent, anything, the slanders of a Henry, and the predictions and maledictions of the gentleman from New York, to the contrary notwithstanding. But, sir, should the signs of treason and civil war discover themselves in any quarter of the American Empire, I do not believe they will produce that effect; and I can tell that gentleman, that, in such an event, I have no doubt the evil would soon be radically cured, by hemp and confiscation; and to assure him of my exertions to effect their immediate application. The gentlemen talk of signs and tokens abroad, and of the influence of the planets. Sir, the archives of our own House, the vote on the bill for the protection of six thousand two hundred and fifty-seven A message from the Senate informed the House impressed American seamen on board the British that the Senate have passed a bill "to admit the ships of war, groaning under a worse than Egyp-entry of vessels of the United States, on certain tian bondage, furnish a strong sign of the times, conditions," in which they desire the concurrence and show that a certain portion of the Represen- of this House. tatives of the American people are under the influence of a British planet. Mr. BLEECKER said that the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. WRIGHT) had altogether misunderstood him. He (Mr. BLEECKER) had no reference to any particular section of the Union; but said, that if gentlemen persevered in their project of going to war within sixty days in the present unprepared state of the country, the people, in whatever part of the Union they might be, who are to suffer the privations and calamities of the war, would soon put down all their measures. The question was then taken, and decided in favor of postponement of the considerations of the petitions to the fourth day of July-yeas 57, nays 31, as follows: TUESDAY, May 7. Mr. JOHNSON presented a petition of Eligius Fromentia and Allan B. Magruder, Delegates from the Convention of the Territory of Orleans, praying a grant to the corporation of the city of New Orleans of the lots in said city, where formerly stood the forts of St. Louis, St. John, St. Ferdinand, Burgundy, and St. Charles, and to a small tract of common, adjacent to the said city.Referred to the Committee on the Public Lands. Mr. GHOLSON, from the Committee of Claims, presented a bill for the relief of William Garrard; which was read twice, and committed to a Commitee of the Whole to-morrow. Mr. LOWNDES, from the committee appointed on the twenty-second ultimo, presented a bill for the relief of Eli Whitney; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next. The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter addressed to him by Joseph Hill, of Philadelphia, enclosing, for the use of the House, a survey of St. Mary's river, Amelia Island, &c.; which were ordered to be deposited in the Library of Congress. POTOMAC RIVER. Mr. LEWIS, from the Committee for the District of Columbia, to whom was referred the bill from the Senate, "for improving the navigation of the river Potomac, opposite the City of WashYEAS-Willis Alston, jr., David Bard, Burwell Bas-ington," and the memorials of the President and Directors of the Canal Company in the City of Washington; the President and Directors of the Washington Bridge Company; the inhabitants of the City of Washington, and of Thomas L. Washington and W. H. Washington, in opposition to the passage of the said bill, made the following report: They have paid that careful attention to the various matters, embraced by the said bill and petitions, which the importance and complexity of the objects seemed to require. For this purpose, they not only listened to the statements and reasonings of the respective parties interested, but to the detailed and critical opinions of persons deeply skilled in hydraulic engineering. The result of that investigation is, that, from the widely extended navigable waters of the Potomac, above the District of Columbia, it is of great importance, not only to the town of Georgetown, but to the inland country, that a ship channel should be reopened to that place. That, although there is great difficulty in conducting the land water from its deep, narrow, and strong current, at Georgetown, into the expanded waters of the Potomac, in front of the City of Washington, without forming a bar, yet, from all your committee can learn, it ought not to be despaired of. But while your committee fully recognise the paramount claims of ship navigation, growing out of its superior usefulness to the public, they are clearly of opinion that it is not just to prosecute that object at the expense of the rights of individuals, or corporations, previously created, without providing a full and fair indemnity to the injured. They are, therefore, of opinion, that provision ought to be made in the bill for the indemnification of the Bridge Company for any injury which they may receive from the prosecution of the intended works; and although they do not apprehend that any injury will arise to the Canal Company, yet if, as the proprietors fear, any damage should be done, it ought to be provided for. They are not convinced that the works to be erected would accelerate the filling up of the channel near Alexander's Island; and if such should be their effect, they do not believe that persons, who have made no occupancy of the banks of navigable rivers, except for agricultural purposes, are entitled to compensation for injuries growing out of the improvement of the ship channels of such rivers. Experience having proved that attempts to open the channels of rivers, by confining the waters, have often produced bars below such confinement, your committee are of opinion that a bill, authorizing experiments on the channel of a navigable river, ought to provide reasonable security for the removal of any bars which such experiments may occasion. After thus expressing their opinion as to the importance of the proposed navigation, their hopes as to its practicability, and their clear convictions that the injured ought to be indemnified by the persons attempting such improvements; and that the public, as well as individuals, should be secured by proper provisions, for the removal of any bars which may be formed by the proposed works, your committee are fully satisfied that it would best consist with justice and all the various interests concerned, that the sons attempting to make the improvement should prosecute them by commissioners or agents of their own selection, and in the manner most agreeable to their own views of utility, with but one restraint; the object of which should be, to prevent such great or per MAY, 1812. lasting injuries to the navigation of the District of Columbia, or the country below, as no funds contemplated by the bill would compensate. Your committee, therefore, recommend that provision be made, (in any bill which may be passed for the improvement of the navigation of the Potomac,) that the President of the United States may, at any, and at all times, interdict the erection or completion of such works, as will, in his opinion, endanger the navigation of the District of Columbia, or the river below said District. The report was referred to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next. QUARTERMASTER'S DEPARTMENT. The House proceeded to consider the bill to amend the act" to establish a Quartermaster's department, and for other purposes;" and the question depending on Mr. LACOCK's motion to strike out the third section of the original bill, the first as it now stands, was decided in the negative-for striking out 35, against it 55, as follows: YEAS-John Baker, Adam Boyd, Elijah Brigham, William Butler, Matthew Clay, James Cochran, John Clopton, William Crawford, John Davenport, junior, William Ely, Obed Hall, Jacob Hufty, Richard Jackson, junior, Joseph Kent, Philip B. Key, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Joseph Lewis, jr., Robert Le Roy Livingston, Thomas Moore, Alexander McKim, James Morgan, Jonathan O. Moseley, Joseph Pearson, Timothy Pitkin, junior, John Randolph, Richard Stanford, Philip Stuart, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Uri Tracy, Pierre Van Cortlandt, Thomas Wilson, Richard Winn, and Robert Wright. NAYS-Willis Alston, junior, Stevenson Archer, David Bard, Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, John C. Calhoun, Epaphroditus Champion, Lewis Condict, Roger Davis, Joseph Desha, Samuel Dinsmoor, Elias Earle, William Findley, James Fisk, Thomas Gholson, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, John M. Hyneman, Richard M. Johnson, William R. King, William Lowndes, Aaron Lyle, Nathaniel Macon, William McCoy, Samuel McKee, Arunah Metcalf, Samuel L. Mitchill, Jeremiah Morrow, Anthony New, Israel Pickens, William Piper, James Pleasants, jr., Benjamin Pond, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Ebenezer Sage, Thomas Sammons, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, John Smilie, George Smith, John Smith, William Strong, John Taliaferro, Chas. Turner, jun., Robert Whitehill, and David R. Williams. and read a third time to-day, and was accordThe bill was then ordered to be engrossed ingly, after debate, in which Mr. PITKIN was its principal opponent, and Mr. GRUNDY the principal advocate, read a third time, and passed. Adjourned to Monday. MONDAY, May 11. Mr. SEYBERT presented a memorial of sundry citizens of Pennsylvania, deprecating war, and praying of Congress to unite with the other branches of Government in their exertions to avoid it, and thus to entitle themselves to the blessing pronounced by the Scriptures on the MAY, 1812. Petitions for Repeal of the Embargo. makers of peace. On motion of Mr. SEYBERT, the petition was ordered to lie on the table. On motion of Mr. POINDEXTER, the House proceeded to the consideration of the resolution directing the President of the United States to cause a census to be taken of the population of the Mississippi Territory. Some conversation took place on the resolution; and objection being made to charging the United States with the expense, a proviso was introduced that the expense thereof be defrayed by the Territory. And, thus amended, the resolution was ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time. A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed the bill "for the better regulation of the ordnance;" the bill making further provision for the Army of the United States; the bill "to annex a part of West Florida to the Mississippi Territory" and the bill making additional appropriations for the support of Government, for the year 1812; with amendments to each. in which they desire the concurrence of this House. And they have also passed a bill for the relief of Ninian Pinkney; in which they desire the concurrence of this House. PETITIONS FOR REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO. Mr. RODMAN presented five memorials, signed by about four hunded of the citizens of Northampton county, Pennsylvania, praying a repeal or modification of the embargo law. It was moved to refer them to a select committee. Mr. LACOCK moved to postpone the further consideration of them to the 4th of July. Mr. LACOCK, Mr. SMILIE and Mr. ALSTON, advocated a postponement, on the ground that other petitions of the same nature had taken that course, and therefore it would be improper to give those now presented a different direction. It was impossible to grant the request of the memorialists without abandoning all the great war measures heretofore adopted, and retracing the steps already taken, and a large portion of the House were averse to that. Mr. TALLMADGE said, he was sorry to find that the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. LACOCK) had moved a different direction to the petitions from the course which was common, and which the original mover (Mr. RODNEY) had proposed. A postponement to the 4th of July was an indefinite postponement, and of course a rejection of the petitions. It has been urged as a reason why these petitions should be thus indefinitely postpoponed, that others of a similar nature had shared a similar fate. However much the author of this motion may value his consistency on the present occasion, he hoped, if the House should be convinced that this course had been wrong, they would not further persist in it. The right to petition was secured by the Constitution, and the present petitions being respectful in their style, and important in their nature, had a strong claim upon the attention of the House. The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. ALSTON) has given a novel definition of the object H. of R. in view by referring petitions. He says the only object is to get a statement of facts, and in the present case they were fully before the House. Mr. T. by no means acceded to this doctrine. He supposed an additional reason for commitment always was to obtain the reasonings and opinions of committees, to whom petitions were referred. In the present case the petitioners ask a repeal of the embargo law, or its modification, so far that its duration may be shortened. Is this House so confident of the policy of this severe measure, and so determined in their course, that they will hear no reasonings from our fellow-citizens on the subject? At any rate, will it be consistent with sound policy to decide on the merits of these petitions, coming from so numerous a class of our agricultural brethren, (about four hundred and forty subscribers,) without sending them to a committee to examine into their merits? A gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. SMILIE) has told us that the object of the present embargo, is to get home property from foreign countries preparatory to war. Can this be the fact? If so, how can we account for it that the numerous petitions which have been heaped upon your table, have been treated with so cold a reception? permit our citizens to bring home their property Why has this House so uniformly refused to from Great Britain, the very country against which we are told that we must soon be arrayed in arms? The citizens of this country have millions upon millions of their property lying in Great Britain, and if the Government really wished to enable our citizens to bring home their property, as has been asserted, then would they have given a favorable attention to this class of petitioners, and thereby relieved their citizens from distress, and strengthened the arm of the Government. Another gentleman (Mr. LACOCK) objects against sending these petitions to a committee, because it would have the appearance of relinquishing the war system. On this subject, Mr. T. said, he had heard so much within these walls, that it had become in a degree familiar to him. He considered war as an evil of the greatest magnitude, and should be avoided if possible; but rather than see the commerce of this country restricted in its lawful objects, and nearly ruined, he would submit to be scourged by war. This, he said, was an alternative, not called for, in his judgment, and of course he could not vote for it; but he was so sickened with the subject, that he cared not how soon a declaration of war was laid on our tables. It was continually held up as a bugbear to frighten men of weak nerves in this House, as well as throughout our country. In this way every measure proposed to relieve our citizens from the pressure of our restrictive system, is kept down through fear of war. Mr. T. said he would endeavor to brace up his weak nerves to meet this continually threatened propotion; but did hope that every reasonable petition for relief would not be rejected, for fear that the favorite war measure would thereby be supplanted. Mr. McKIм advocated the postponement. |