ment was by each of them preferred to the policy recommended by the other. Mr. F. was, however, justified, by the opinion of the Speaker, in believing that a war would not be the consequence of either project. "Spain would not, and could not, declare war against us, from the state of her finances, and the ruin of her resources." The wisdom of the two plans was, therefore, to be tested by the benefits which we would or should derive from complete success, without the hazard of a contest for either.

H. OF R.

gentleman from Kentucky did not propose to give. It was said, however, that we ought to be the first to acknowledge a sister Republic. If we did not who would? With more than ordinary diligence, Mr. F. had endeavored to find the freedom and liberality in the frame and institutions of this new Government, which would entitle it to this name. He had sought for them in vain. There was a Congress and a Supreme Director; a Congress, the Speaker has said, chosen somewhat like our own. Mr. F. would have rejoiced The amendment was advocated as a recogni- to learn in what this resemblance consisted. If tion of the independence of La Plata. The ar- the Congress were chosen by the people, he had gument of the honorable mover was directed to been deceived by the Outline of the Revolution this point; and Mr. F. was well aware that one in Spanish America; a work to which he referquestion was frequently argued, and another de-red on the recommendation of the Speaker. The cided, and that the vote on the decision was some-sole resemblance was in name. The Government times determined on the merits of the question of La Plata was a military despotism, like the discussed. Considering it as an open proposition Republic of France in the days of the Consulate, to recognise, he was content to meet it, and that but destitute of its order, strength, and stability. If it should succeed or fail on the propriety of refu- the resemblance was perfect, and the Government sing or making an immediate recognition. Where and people of La Plata worthy to be ranked by was the motive for this step? What beneficial our side in the community of nations, still the consequences will flow from it to La Plata or the inutility of such an acknowledgment is a satisUnited States? What benefits, commercial or factory reason for refraining from it. political, will accrue? The commerce between Mr. FORSYTH thought he might safely leave the people of this Government and that of the the question to the judgment of the Committee, revolutionary La Plata, was free and unrestrained. after showing that the most powerful recommenOur citizens enjoyed all that they asked in the ports dations of the amendment were, that it was unof Buenos Ayres, and the people of La Plata were meaning and harmless. But he considered it a admitted to all the rights and hospitalities that duty to examine more at large the various inare shown to any foreigners in the waters of the ducements offered by the Speaker to insure its United States. Arms, ammunition, all the pro- success. Mr. F. knew and felt the danger to duct of our agriculture and industry, that their which he exposed himself by this course-that he wants may require, are freely purchased and would be assailed as an enemy to liberty, &c. transported in their own or American vessels, Exertions had been made to prepare the public without delay or molestation. Their vessels, mind for such impressions against all those who armed and equipped for war, are admitted with- thought with him on this subject. Notice had out scruple into our ports and treated with a kind- been given from this city, and was now ringing ness they have but too frequently abused. Are through the Western country, that questions there any important political results to proceed were to be brought into view, by whose decision from this step to either party? To us there cer- the people would be able to discriminate between tainly are none; to them the only possible ad- those who were just and unjust to the patriot vantage would be the probability that our example cause-between the friends and the enemies of would be followed by the rest of the world. Mr. freedom. Such considerations had no influence F. spoke on the supposition that no war with upon his conduct. He who was deterred by anSpain was produced by this act. Our recognition ticipated censure, or threatened calumny, from was better calculated to excite the jealousy and the performance of any duty, was not worthy to prejudice of despotic Governments against this represent a free people-to preside even in the new Power, than to produce a similar recognition most subordinate sphere over the movements of of their claims to a place in the family of nations; a mighty empire. Careless of the motives which better calculated to produce a combination of might be imputed to him, he should proceed to despotic power, to their ruin, than a friendly aid show that the Speaker had offered no sufficient in the accomplishment of their independence. inducement to justify his proposal in the origin, This acknowledgment was useless to them polit-progress, or character, of the revolution in Spanically and commercially. All the practical ben-ish America; that it is not demanded by our comefits arising from it, were enjoyed so long as we considered their independence as existing without pronouncing a decision upon that point disputed by them with Spain. Where was the motive to be found to justify this improvident hurry to the useless acknowledgment of a Government whose independence depended wholly upon its own exertions? That could not be aided in its progress by such a declaration, unless accompanied by substantial aid; an aid even the sanguine 15th CoN. 1st SESS.-48

mercial or political interest in the great struggle between Spain and her former dependencies; that while he admitted it was the right of the United States, it was not a duty to recognise the new Government; that it could not be done without the danger of war with Spain; and that it was not sufficiently demonstrated that Buenos Ayres had established, and would maintain, a free and independent Government. In tracing the origin of the revolution, the Speaker had carried us

H. or R.

Spanish American Provinces.

MARCH, 1818.

without difficulty, the great object of her long continued solicitude-a free commerce with Spanish America. Juntas were established upon the same principles as the Juntas of Spain, and war with the Junta of Spain was occasioned by the refusal of Spanish America to acknowledge that they were the legitimate repository of the royal power in both hemispheres. The unhappy land was rent by internal factions, in which the people were the instruments of designing ambition. The leading men disputed for the honor of being the royal substitute, none for the glory of establishing a free Government, founded upon the principles of justice and equality, whose basis was the power, whose object was the happiness of the people. The most bold, and successful, and honorable exertion, for the formation of a liberal Government, was made in Venezuela. But this new Government was overturned by an earthquake in 1812. The misguided people were induced to believe that this awful visitation was the immediate consequence of their conduct, the just judgment of an angry God upon the revolution, and those who promoted or favored its success.*

back to the first invasion of Mexico and Peru, to the days of Cortez and Pizarro, of Montezuma and Atahualpa. From that period he had given a faint outline of the cruel, selfish, monopolizing, and debasing policy of Spain to her American dependencies-foreign and inter-colonial intercourse forbidden to her subjects in those magnificent and fertile regions of the earth; the pursuits of agriculture directed by the narrow policy of an unjust Government; the soul itself debased to the purposes of oppression by municipal regulation. It was a gloomy picture of a sad reality; a faithful representation of nature, drawn by a master's hand. The policy was but too truly characterized, and its success was as complete as its character was atrocious. It had been pursued with undeviating steadiness, until the horrible contrast was exhibited of a people the most debased, in the midst of the fairest regions of the globe; man, the master-work of creation, with intellect enervated by despotism, and soul withered by superstition, surrounded by the most sublime and stupendous monuments of inanimated nature. Was the origin of the revolution to be found in this systematic oppression? It would be looked for here in vain. To use the "After many months of continued debates, the language of the Speaker, Spain would have suc- Representatives of Venezuela offered, for the approbaceeded in continuing this system but for the tion of the people, on the 23d of December, 1811, the transactions of Bayonne. The puerile ambition promised constitution. It formed a volume, divided of Napoleon was the foundation of the South into nine chapters. In the first, the Roman Catholic American struggle. The Old World was con- religion is proposed as that of the State. In the secvulsed; eighteen millions of people were agitated ond, it is proposed that the General Congress should be in the new, by his childish desire to have a King divided into two Houses-that of the Representatives of the new dynasty on the throne of Spain; by and the Senate; to be jointly invested with the power his silly anxiety to substitute the Bonapartes for of declaring war, making peace, raising armies, &c.; the Bourbons, over all nations dependent upon electoral colleges, and that of the Senate by the prothe election of the Representatives to be made by his colossal power. Was this great event hailed with joy by the Spanish Americans? Was the vincial legislatures. The third chapter treats of the glorious opportunity_of_breaking their chains Executive power, which was to be confided to three seized with avidity? Far, very far, from it. persons, to be chosen by the electoral colleges; and these persons were to be invested with power to nomThey were stunned by this unexpected occur-inate generals for the army, and to appoint officers to rence; stupified by the dreadful alternative of whom the administration and collection of the public self-government, or submission to French rule. revenue were to be intrusted, &c. The fourth chapLike the unhappy man long immured in the gloom ter describes a supreme court of justice, which was to of a prison, they had been so long deprived of his decide on civil and criminal questions in matters conglorious light, that the beams of the blessed sun cerning the Federal compacts; likewise the trial by were hateful to their eyes. This fortunate event jury, &c. The fifth determines the limits of the prowas considered a national calamity, to which vincial authorities, the mutual guarantee of the prothere was no alleviation but the opportunity it vinces to each other, and that Guayana and Maracaiafforded to discover their unshaken loyalty and bo should be admitted into the Federation as soon as blind devotion to the cause of their adored King. they were free from Spain. The sixth and seventh Their resources were devoted to his service. The propose that the constitution should be revised, and sole difficulty was to find, during his imprison- receive the sanction of the people. The eighth declares ment, a substitute for the royal authority. The the sovereignty of the people-the rights of man in solaws, and customs, and frame of Government, in ciety that foreigners of any nation whatever should other respects, remained without change; the be admitted into Venezuela, provided they would remunicipalities, haciendas, audiencias, &c., all the spect the national religion; that the use of torture should be abolished, &c. The ninth and last is desubordinate machinery, continued in its accus-voted to general subjects; treats of promoting the civiltomed place, and performed its accustomed opera-ization of the Indians, and declaring the mulattoes and tions; and, although the necessity of additional exertion produced a greater vigor of character and boldness of thought in the heads of the Government, the great mass remained unaltered in habits, opinions, and desires. England, covering the peninsula of Spain and Portugal with her armies, and, the enemy of France, procuring,

pardos eligible to any employment whatever in the State; likewise of confirming the abolition of the slave trade, as decreed by the supreme junta of Caraccas on the 14th July, 1810.

"In imitation of the United States of America, the Congress set apart a territory, in which the authorities of the confederation were to reside; the town of Va

H. OF R.

It might be imagined that the principles of upon the authority of a work to which he had political, civil, and religious freedom had been before referred, the Outline of the Revolution in developed in the progress of the revolution; the South America. In the conclusion of that work present state of it would discover how far the it is said "the return of Ferdinand might have people of Spanish America had improved in the brought with it the return of peace. The peoknowledge of their personal rights, and their de-ple were tired of war; the leaders of the revolutermination to maintain them. In Mexico the tion disappointed in their views; a large body contest was at an end; at all times of a doubtful of the people in a state of apathy or indifference; issue, the last ray of hope was extinguished by and, what was still more important, the venerthe death of the gallant and unfortunate Mina.ation attached to the name of Ferdinand still This disastrous termination of the struggle was existed, though, in some degree, diminished." not produced by the successful exertion of the This veneration was converted into a dread of power of Old Spain; it was effected by the efforts his resentment, by the mission of Morillo and his of a people who formed a large portion of the sanguinary suite. Mr. F. trusted in Heaven that eighteen millions of men who were represented this act of royal madness would meet with its apas contending in the glorious cause of freedom. propriate punishment, in the total subversion of In Caraccas, a sanguinary, and dreadful, and, at his western empire; that thus compelled to conbest, a doubtful contest was maintained with the tinue a resistance to the Spanish yoke, that the modern Alva, by the imitator of his cruelty, Bol- people would acquire what experience and sufivar. La Plata and Chili had better prospects of fering had not yet taught them, the knowledge success; and all our sanguine hopes are fixed of their strength, and the means of using it to the upon them. Thus, of the eighteen millions of establishment of a Government similar to ours. people, for whom our sympathy is demanded, Such were his ardent wishes, not his confident more than thirteen millions are the contented expectations. That the independence of all, or slaves of the Spanish authority; and it was the portions of the southern continent would, at no madness or stupidity of Ferdinand, that prevent-distant day, be achieved, could not be doubted; ed the voluntary return of all to their ancient thraldom. A decree of oblivion for the past would have reinstated the Spanish power, if it had been promulgated by Ferdinand on his restoration to the throne. Mr. F. rested this opinion

lencia was fixed upon, and the Congress there held its session in the beginning of March, 1812.

to what extent civil liberty would be established, was matter of speculation. Opinions, more or less favorable, would be formed, according to the sanguine or cautious temper of the judge. In the origin and progress of the revolution, there occasions at the entrance of the churches, to follow the procession; and many churches, and the principal bar"All prospered in Venezuela at that time; the Gov-racks at Caraccas, being thrown down, there was a ernment was respected; the military force sufficient to considerable number of soldiers killed, and many thousupport it, and the public mind was unanimous. Com-sand persons crushed under their ruins. The arms merce was in some degree flourishing, and Venezuela, and ammunition destined for the defence of the counwishing to promote that with England, a reduction of four per cent. was made in the custom-house duties in favor of English manufactures. Three thousand men, under the command of General Moreno, were on the banks of the Oronoco, ready to cross that river, and attack the royalists in the city of Guayana or Angos- "In an era less remarkable, a mere convulsion of tura, whose inhabitants had, on many occasions, nature would have had no influence on a new Governevinced their inclination in favor of the new Government; but, notwithstanding the prosperity Venezuela ment, but were checked by the Spaniards from publicly declaring this inclination. Colonel Xalon, with one battalion of good troops, was stationed at Barquisimeto, supposing the royalists of Coro might attempt an attack on that side. But, alas! short in Venezuela was the possession of this prosperity!

"On the 26th of March, 1812, between four and five P. M., Venezuela was visited by one of those tremendous earthquakes which from time to time ruin whole provinces. During a minute and fifteen seconds the earth was convulsed in every direction, and nearly twenty thousand persons fell victims. The towns of Caraccas, Laguayra, Mayquetia, Merida, and San Felipe, were totally destroyed. Barquisimeto, Valencia, La Vittoria, and others, suffered considerably. This catastrophe happened on Holy Thursday, a day when every Christian church peculiarly commemorates the sufferings of our blessed Redeemer, and at the very hour when the people were crowding into the churches to attend the processions which are usual in Roman Catholic countries, and to see the representation of our Saviour led to the cross. Troops are placed on such

try were buried in a similar manner; and what was worse, an unconquerable enemy to the independence of Venezuela seemed to raise its head from among the ruins-that religious prejudice which the earthquake inspired.

then enjoyed, the seeds of discontent had fallen on one class of the community. The principles which formed the basis of the new constitution were democratical, and it had been necessary to deprive the clergy of some of their privileges, which of course created enmity in their minds to the present Government. Immediately after the earthquake the priests proclaimed that the Almighty condemned the revolution, and they denounced his wrath on all who favored it. They construed into a manifestation of the Divine displeasure the occurrence of the earthquake on Holy Thursday, because the revolution had commenced on that festival; although it was not the anniversary, for this feast is moveable, and is celebrated on a different day every year. They made the people fancy that hell was opening to swallow them.

"Such was the effect at this time of religious enthusiasm! Unprejudiced persons were undoubtedly not of the number; but these were few, compared with the host they had to resist; which, availing itself of the general consternation, biassed the public opinion in favor of the Spanish Government."

H. OF R.

Spanish American Provinces.

MARCH, 1818.

was no inducement to an act of doubtful policy. But our sympathy was demanded for this great cause, in character so like that of our Revolution. Sympathy for the people of the South was universally felt, and might be indulged, without scruple, in wishes and in hopes; but, when it was made the foundation of an attempt to precipitate the adoption of a favorite measure, it was necessary to examine how far it was justly inspired. That the cause of the colonies was just, and that they were entitled to the good wishes of all mankind in their contest with Spain, was unquestionable; but we are expected to feel and indulge a deeper sympathy, arising from the alleged similarity of their situation and that of the United States in 1776, from a congeniality of feeling, opinions, and pursuits, between the Spanish Americans and our predecessors. The honorable member from Kentucky had solemnly invoked the departed spirits of our ancestors to give him strength and ability to vindicate a people contending in a cause as glorious as that in which they had been engaged. An invocation to those illustrious shades to pardon a profanation of their ashes, by this odious comparison, would have better become him; and if the inhabitants of the other world are permitted to interest themselves in the transactions of this life, they would, no doubt, find, in the purity of his intentions, the motive for this forgiveness. Was not the comparison odious? In what consisted this boasted resemblance? They are colonies, contending to be independent of the parent country-so were we; here the resemblance ceases. In the motives of the contests, in the causes which produced them, in their means, and in their ends, there is contrast, not resemblance. We asserted, vindicated, maintained, and improved our rights, political, civil, and religious. We saw oppression as it approached us; remonstrated with firmness against injustice; discussed with calmness the extent of our obligations and the nature of our rights. With a perfect knowledge of the doubtful issue of a contest with our powerful, proud, and ambitious stepmother, we encountered its perils and pursued it with virtuous steadiness, until our triumph was as signal as our moderation had been conspicuous. They were oppressed and contented, manacled and reconciled to their chains, until accident compelled them to involuntary exertions. Political independence was cast upon them, and is now the sole object of continued resistance. If human rights are secured by success, it is an unlooked for, unexpected consequence; an unknown good, a result not desired by those who were to derive its benefits. Political independence was, with us, the means for the accomplishment of our object. With us it was emphatically a war of the people. The Government organized to conduct it was estab- If the sanguine temper of the Speaker had delished by them. In the numerous changes of the luded him into a belief so derogatory to the chapersons in power, it was the immediate and reg-racter of his own country, it was not surprising ular expression of their will, that elevated or depressed the candidates for their confidence. The Confederation, a rope of sand, had tenacity and strength enough to bind them together, while

union was necessary to success. During the contest, the military was completely subordinate to the civil power. With them, the first and the last movements in the contest were made without consulting the will of the people, and no means have yet been afforded by which it can be effectually expressed. They have neither agency in the management of, nor control over, the acts of the Government, created for them. Revolution has succeeded revolution. Every change of rulers has been produced by a change in the form of substitution for the royal authority. The civil has been at all times subordinate to the military power. There was an equally striking dissimilarity in the manner in which the wars were conducted. With us, with the exception of some personal, intestine, and bloody feuds between Whig and Tory, it was carried on with the strictest regard to the laws of honorable and civilized warfare; no instance occurred of the death of the unresisting by the command of any officer in the public service. It must not be forgotten that ample justification was given by the British armies for a contrary system. The massacre of Paoli and the murder of Hayne were still fresh in the recollection of all. But, while burning with resentment for these atrocious deeds, we did not forget what was due to our character, and dishonor our reputation by following a horrible example. The cold-blooded massacre nerved the arms and steeled the hearts of our soldiers in the hour of conflict, but the cry of mercy never was raised in vain by a vanquished foe. When the gallant Hayne was barbarously executed by a British officer, whose present rank and subsequent achievements could not remove the stain of this sanguinary act from his character, the deep indignation of the nation was excited. A gallant officer was selected to pay with his life for the cruelty of his country. But the sacrifice was never made, and the gallant and generous officer was reserved to perish in defending the reputation of that people, by whose forbearance his life, forfeited by the injustice of his country, was spared. Mr. F. would not be understood to call in question the justice of the retaliatory system of extermination adopted by the Spanish Americans. He believed that the dreadful example was set by the Royalists, and the resort to it was justifiable, and perhaps essential to security and success. All he proposed by this examination was to show, what was highly honorable to his own countrymen, that a resort to such a system was not made by them under the strongest temptations, and under circumstances which would have fully justified it. The comparison was made to show the exalted character of our own contest, not excite prejudice against that of neighboring nations.

that he should have erred in estimating the commercial and political interest of the United States in the South American struggle. That we have a deep interest in the fate of Spanish America

could not be denied; but it was a moral interestthe interest which man felt for the condition of man in all quarters of the world. Whatever may be the changes that may take place from the Rio Bravo to Cape Horn, no essentially favorable alteration can be produced in the extent of our commerce, in the purity or stability of our political institutions. Spanish America would afford to us but a trifling portion of her eighty-one millions of exports. With the exception of her mineral productions, her exports were of the same kind with the exports of this country: the great staples were cotton, tobacco, rice, breadstuffs, hemp, &c.; her imports, European manufactures. Mr. F. would not use as an argument the agricultural rivalry that might ensue, under a different state of things, to induce a wish that the present condition of Spanish America might continue; but he would use it to demonstrate the fallacy of the opinion that our commercial prosperity would be greatly increased by the expected change in her political condition. On this point he would ask the attention of the Committee to a few sentences from a work just published, whose author relied upon the statements of Humboldt, a man whose opportunities to procure, and ability to select, the most valuable and accurate information, was universally known. After giving a most appalling account of the present state of the imports to Mexico from the United States, as compared with those of Great Britain, he says: "But if the imports, according to the report, are by no means promising, as it respects the demand for our productions, some items of the exports are also of a nature to excite serious reflections in the minds of those who are concerned in agricultural pursuits. Among the exports to the other colonies, we find the article of 26,371 bales or sacks of flour, and 3,207 arrobas, of 25 lbs. each, of cotton. Speaking of the Mexican flour, Humboldt says, it enters into compeStates. When the road which is constructing from

tition at the Havana market with that of the United

the table land of Perote to Vera Cruz shall be completely finished, the grain of New Spain will be exported for Bordeaux, Hamburg, and Bremen. The Mexicans will then possess a double advantage over the inhabitants of the United States, that of a greater fertility of the territory, and that of a lower price of labor.' And on the article of tobacco he observes, that 'the cultivation of Mexican tobacco might become a branch of agriculture of the very highest importance, if the trade in it were free. At Vera Cruz the quantity of tobacco produced in the district of Dizaba and Cordova, is computed at 1,600,000 pounds to 2,000,000 pounds. The indefinite increase of the growth of tobacco is prevented by the royal monopoly, which not only prescribes the quantity, but the very districts in which only it can be cultivated. He also observes, on the subject of the cotton of Mexico, that' New Spain supplies Europe annually with 625,000 pounds of cotton. This quantity, though in itself very inconsiderable, is, however, six times greater than that exported by the United States, of their own growth, in 1791: and in twelve years the produce of cotton has become in the United States three hundred and seventy-seven times greater. When we consider the physical positions of the United States and Mexico, we can hardly

H. OF R.

entertain a doubt that these two countries will one day be enabled to produce all the cotton employed in the manufactures of Europe. The great staples of the United States are grain, flour, tobacco, rice, cotton, and the products of the fisheries, and lumber. The bulky character of these articles requires, and actually employs, so much shipping for this transportation, that in point of mercantile tonnage, we are already supeConsidering, therefore, the importance of these staples rior to any nation in Europe, Great Britain excepted. in their tendency to our internal welfare, and their influence on our maritime strength, we cannot contemplate, without feelings of great concern, any contingency, however remote, which may operate unfavorably to either."

Mr. F. would not fatigue the Committee by following the author in his investigation of this subject, through the whole extent of Spanish America, but would content himself with quoting that portion of the work which related to the provinces of La Plata, the immediate object of their present inquiry:

"The climate and soil of Buenos Ayres are singularly favorable to the growth of wheat and barley; and whenever this country shall have acquired a competent population, the extent of its produce in both will be equal to any demand, however great. During the late war in Spain, considerable quantities were shipped, under contract with the British Government, to the ports of Spain and Portugal. Under these circumstances it is to be expected that, in any event, our commercial intercourse with this country will not be a subject of national importance.

"Our observations respecting Buenos Ayres apply with still more force to Chili; because the latter is still more remote, being situated on the Pacific Ocean, in nearly the same latitude with Buenos Ayres, and corresponding with it in productions."

It must be sufficiently obvious from these extracts, that the hope of commercial gain must Spanish America, in her commerce with the be founded upon our ability to be the carriers of world; or in our ability to compete with other nations in the supply of such manufactured articles as are consumed by her inhabitants. In the direct commerce from Europe to South America, we cannot hope to participate. Every nation wisely regulates this subject, like ourselves. Competition is confined to their own vessels, and those of the nation with whom it has direct intercourse. We must be able to perform circuitous voyages with greater facility and at a smaller expense than direct voyages are performed by other nations. A contest hopeless, unless war rages among all the other maritime Powers of the earth. Even in this extraordinary state of the world, we should have to contend with the naval enterprise of the newly-created empires. This is considered as of but little consequence by the Speaker. He supposes that Spanish America can never become a great maritime Power. And for what reason? A strange one, indeed. They are too near the sun! The climate is too warm and relaxing; the inhabitants cannot contend on the ocean with the hardy and enterprising children of the bleak and bracing regions of a northern sky. All history condemns this strange theory.