H. OF R. Spanish American Provinces. MARCH, 1819, Ask your naval heroes if they have not found that which it exists, would remain the same. Conthe sailors of the Southern are equal in strength, nected with people, active, intelligent, and jealactivity, courage, and hardihood to their North- ous as ourselves, our rivals in commerce, in agriern brethren? If they would not prefer the sail- culture, in science, and in the freedom of their ors of Louisiana to the natives of the frozen and institutions; will these elements of strife be combarren regions of Labrador? If the improve-posed to harmony by the tender names of sister ment of our South American brethren keeps pace Republics? Men do not change their nature with with the anticipation of the gentleman from Ken- their Governments? Brooding avarice, maligtucky, their emancipation will create for us for- nant revenge, daring ambition-will find their midable rivals in agriculture, and powerful com- place under all forms of government, in all ages petitors for maritime superiority; a rivalry and and in every clime. Mr. F. would not look furcompetition Mr. F. would most cheerfully con- ther into the consequences which might be antitribute to produce, if it was to be succeeded cipated from the working of these passions among by the establishment of civil, political, and reli- the affiliated nations. As in the days of ancient gious freedom in that unhappy land. We were, Greece, the ground of quarrel would be, who however, required to elevate our views to fu- should be the first; and some Eastern Satrap turity; to consider that we were legislating for might again be found, to foment the quarrels and posterity; while it was admitted that at present distract the councils of the Western World. we could not successfully vie in the markets of There was one remedy for these dangers; instead this new world with the manufacturers of Eu- of many, but two Republics should be created of rope, the time was approaching when we should the North and South Americas. Mr. F. was not undersell the European manufacturers. Mr. F. yet prepared to risk the happiness and the security did not believe this time would arrive during the of the people of the United States, by such a present century; he hoped it never would arrive. sublime but hazardous extension of their political He should deeply deplore the arrival of that system. Nations, like individuals, were, under period at which manufacturing establishments God, the fabricators of their own fortunes. Of would be more profitable than the pursuits of this nation this was undeniably true. We want agriculture. He wished the articles of first ne-no power which we cannot acquire, since we decessity to be fabricated here; beyond this his sire none but for our own protection. We ask no wishes did not extend. As to the present question, aid, since we will not invade the rights of others; it was sufficient for the purposes of his argument to defend ours, our own strength is amply suffito show, that we could not hope to partake large-cient. We are free, independent, and happy, so ly of the golden profits of Spanish Americanlong as the people are true to themselves. Unicommerce, without a thorough change in the ted, combined Europe would be arrayed against present pursuits of the inhabitants of the United them in vain. No man need look beyond our own States. A change neither desirable nor probable. borders for the means of securing and perpetuatSplendid political consequences were antici- ing all that is valuable in life and liberty. In pated from the expected change. The freedom the assertion of neutral rights it was but too of the commerce of the Mississippi-the safe fashionable to look beyond our own resources; navigation of the Gulf of Mexico-the power and the experience of the late war satisfactorily deeffect we should derive, from being the head of a monstrated that it was unnecessary. It discovered confederation of republics. In case of necessity, to us, that aid was not to be found where it was the new world of republics was to be arrayed expected; it demonstrated that it was not reagainst the old world of despotisms. In the event quired. He rejoiced that that contest was comof European wars, we shall have powerful aux-menced and terminated without an ally, and he iliaries in the assertion of neutral rights. And was it really apprehended we should ever want aid to maintain the free commerce of the Mississippi or the Gulf of Mexico? these might be safely trusted to our gallant tars and the people of the West. Suppose this great change to have taken place. Overleap in imagination the progress of centuries, and see the United States connected with Republican Governments to the Southern extremity of the New World; the first, if you please, in wealth and power; overcoming the disadvantages of situation and climate, by her superior skill and superior industry. What superior advantages will the people enjoy that are not possessed by ourselves? Will they be more free, more happy, more virtuous, and less exposed to the danger of internal commotion and external violence? The power of the Government to destroy other nations would be increased; the power of the Government to promote the welfare of the people, the object for most heartily thanked the English Government for refusing the proffered mediation of the Emperor of all the Russias. The obligation of that offer would weigh upon his spirit, had not the load been removed by the nonchalance with which the refusal of the other Power had been received, and the equivocal treatment experienced by our Ministers from the Court of St. Petersburg. We want n aid and no ally for asserting any of our rights The experience of the late contest was not less useful to ourselves than to others; it taught them, too, the secret of our power;-trust to its effect; the impression was deep, and the remembrance will be lasting. Mr. F. would not press this inquiry, lest he should be suspected of desiring to produce a wish that Spanish America should remain dependent. All he desired was, by bringing other objects into view, to save the Committee from the seducing enthusiasm of the Speaker. If the question of Spanish American independence depended upon our selfish con MARCH, 1818. Spanish American Provinces. H. of R. siderations of interest, it never would be achieved. grateful or pleasing to either of the belligerents: If we were governed by the ordinary policy of pretended neutrality and secret assistance is gratenations, we should desire the re-establishment of ful to that Power to whom aid is given. Engthe Spanish power, since it impeded the progress land may have been artful enough to persuade of our neighbors, and left us undisputed masters Spain that her four hundred thousand pounds of the world of western enterprise. But our policy was intended for this purpose, while her secret was as liberal as our institutions. We looked supplies of arms have satisfied the United Provanxiously for the emancipation and improvement inces that England desired only to promote of the Spanish Americans, however formidable their success. Our duty cannot require us to do their competition and dangerous their rivalship. what is useless-what is calculated to confirm a We desired it for their good, and not for our charge made against us, of fomenting the disturadvantage. That the United States had a right bances in Spanish America; a charge to which to acknowledge any Government, was a political probable evidence is already afforded by the exaxiom. That it was our duty to recognise the peditions of Miranda, of Carrera, of Mina; all of Government of La Plata, remains to be proved. whom sailed from these States to their places of If our interest and our honor require it; if it is respective destination. It is the duty and the demanded by our obligations to that Government, interest of England to stand forth as the protector it was a duty. What interest have we in this or first friend of the new Government. She enindependence, which should induce us, first among joys the fruits of their separation from the parent the nations of the earth, to welcome this stranger? country; she fomented the quarrel. Then let Was it commercial? The fact that we had not her take the risk, as she will take the honor and more than twenty vessels in the commerce of the profits of the recognition of the new Power. La Plata, and that number diminishing, while Mr. F. was at a loss to conjecture why it had not the English had more than two hundred, was a already been done by England, unless she feared proof of the extent of our commercial interest in the undefined and undefinable obligations of the this region of the world. Separated at a dis- Holy League, or was content to reap the present tance so remote, where was the political consid-profits, reserving to herself the power to secure eration to demand it from us? There was none. the future, either by recognising the new people We are asked to do what France did for us. Mr. on favorable conditions, or by restoring them by P. said, the United States had already done more, her mediation to their former master, on condiopenly, for La Plata than France ever did for the tions equally favorable to her commercial interest. United States, prior to her determination to go to war with England. The United States were now in advance of all the nations of the earth, except the Government of Brazil, in kindness to Buenos Ayres. France, prior to the capture of Burgoyne, forbade her subjects to supply us with arms and munitions of war; would not suffer our vessels of war to enter her ports, but, according to the provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht, when driven in by stress of weather, and their stay was limited to the duration of the danger. We openly permit the exportation of every necessary for the use of the people of La Plata. Their vessels enjoy every privilege enjoyed by Spanish vessels, or the armed vessels of any other nation, in our harbors. We wish them success: they know it well; we do not conceal, or affect to conceal, it from Spain. These privileges are denied them by all the Powers of Europe, or if granted, are yielded to them in secret by England. We have proclaimed a strict neutrality; reg ulated our conduct by the rule of the national law. "In civil wars foreigners are not to inter* fere in the internal government of an indepen'dent State. It belongs not to them to judge 'between the citizens whom discord has roused ' to arms, nor between a Prince and his subjects. Both parties are equally foreigners to them, and ' equally independent of their authority." The circumstance to which the Speaker referred, if correctly stated, is the most certain evidence that our conduct has been consistent with our professions. We have pleased neither party, while more fortunate England has succeeded in pleasing.both parties. Honorable neutrality is never At what risk, it may be asked, will this recognition be made? At the hazard of a war with Spain. The gentleman from Kentucky says it is not justifiable cause of war. Does he mean in the eye of reason, or in the opinion of nations? In the opinion of nations it certainly is justifiable cause of war; and it is not to be doubted, that, were situations reversed, such a recognition of the independence of one of these States of the Union-Louisiana, for example-by Spain, would be instantly followed by war. The Speaker seemed, indeed, to doubt the soundness of this position, as he pressed principally the want of ability in Spain to make war, not the deficiency of just motive for declaring it. That war would follow with England, should Spain venture upon a contest with us, Mr. F. did not believe. She would have the most powerful motives for neutrality. The glorious opportunity of ruining our commerce would be afforded, and would be seized with avidity. The increased expense of shipments in American vessels would throw the whole of our trade into British bottoms, and our flag would be driven from the ocean, except where it floated over our public or private armed ships. Mr. F. would encounter this danger of a war with Spain, with all its consequences, for an adequate motive; but he would not, by hurrying to do an act useless at best, and which might hereafter be performed without hazarding anything. At all events, he was unwilling to encounter it, until La Plata had shown, by indisputable testimony, that she was independent, and had the power and the will to maintain it. Was there a free Government in La Plata, for H. OF R. Spanish American Provinces. MARCH, 1818. Director, but was soon after removed, and the administration placed in the hands of a committee. The Congress of Tucuman met in 1816, chose Puerrydon Supreme Director, and declared the independence of the Provinces of La Plata on the 3d of July; proposed to publish a manifesto, which was published in 1817, and to form a constitution that has not yet been matured. In this hasty sketch of the events which led to the establishment of the Government as it now ex whose existence we ought to encounter any haz-itary command with the army, Colonel Alvarez, ard? Was there a Government independent of a ringleader in the revolt, was made his substiSpain, and which could not be compelled by the tute. Alvarez convoked a Congress, but before power or seduced by the cajolements of Spain, toit assembled he was dispossessed by another comits former vassalage? The character of the Gov-motion of the power he held in the absence of ernment might be read in the history of its form- Rondeau. Belcora was then appointed Supreme ation; in the changes which preceded it; and in acts since it was established. The disturbances in the Peninsula induced the Viceroy of Buenos Ayres (Cissneros) to call a Junta in May, 1810, composed of the officers of the Royal Government. In April, 1811, a new Government was formed by the inhabitants of the city of Buenos Ayres, having been called together for that purpose by the municipality of the city. This Government-which, like the other, was but a name for a new organization of the Regal power-wasisted, it must have occurred to the members of composed of three members and two secretaries. According to the El Estatuto, one member, exercising the Executive power, was to vacate his seat at the expiration of six months, and his place was to be supplied by election. The deputies of the municipalities of the provinces were to form the electoral college. The first assembly for the election of one of the members of the Executive authority met on the 5th day of April, 1812, and nominated Puerrydon for one member of the Government. They proposed to form a constitution, but were dissolved by the existing authorityPuerrydon deriving no power from this nomination. The second assembly met on the 6th of October, 1813, and elected Medrano; but, pursuing the track of their predecessors, they met a similar fate. The municipality, people of the city, and troops, opposed their measures, and the assem-rera was a Chilian, the author of the revolution bly was dissolved by military force. the Committee that there was no agency of the people in its organization, except the commotions in the city of Buenos Ayres; they seem to have been the idle spectators of the movements of the constituted authorities and the military. For aught that appeared, the ancient institutions below the head of the Government, remained as formerly. Mr. F. would not detail the accusations, trials, executions, and banishments, which were the consequences of these changes. That the people were not deeply interested in the successive changes, and did not appear to have derived essential benefits from them, was sufficiently obvious, and all he desired to establish. The conduct of Puerrydon to Carrera, since this declaration of independence, may serve further to illustrate the character of this new power. Carthere; in the decline of his fortune, he came to A meeting of the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres, the United States, and after procuring resources Cabildo Abierto, was convened on the 8th day for renewed efforts, returned to La Plata to exeof October, 1812, and the administration was cute his designs; he carried with him the hopes vested in Pena, Passo, and Johnte. Thus per- and good wishes of all the friends of freedom in ished the first constitution, after existing twelve the United States. Unfortunately, he expected months, and being violated in all its provisions. assistance from La Plata, and sailed with confiIn January, 1813, a new assembly met; the Con-dence into her ports. An expedition having been stituyente, composed of deputies, nominated by prepared in La Plata, against Chili, instead of the electoral colleges of the towns and cities of receiving aid from Carrera, in the deliverance of Rio de La Plata; the chief acts of the new assem- his country from slavery and oppression, the osbly was the change of the title of the Govern- tensible motive for this expedition, he was seized, ment from Gobierno Superior, to Supremo Poder imprisoned, and finally banished; the only satisExecutivo, and the decree of Freedom to the faction he received is to be found in that part of Children of Slaves. The same decree compelled Puerrydon's exposé that has been read by the a sale of every third male slave to be enrolled in Speaker, in which he deplores the rudeness the army, the price being a debt due to the own- which he has been compelled to show, so coners by the State. In December, 1813, the gov- trary to the politeness and urbanity of his own ernment of those persons was annulled by the nature, and that of his Government. The moassembly, and Pozados was chosen Supreme Di- tives for this course may be collected from the rector, to give strength by concentrating the Ex- recent accounts from Chili. A letter of the 7th ecutive powers. In January, 1815, Pozados hav-of October says, "More than eighty persons of ing resigned, Alviar was appointed Supreme the first distinction have been seized and thrown Director. In April, 1815, there was a new revo- ' into dungeons by the military, on the ground of lution. A meeting of the inhabitants of Buenos attachment to General Carrera, and the treasAyres was convened, and the authority of Alviar ures of Chili were exhausted by contributions and the Assembly disowned. The municipality to Buenos Ayres, and the people of Chili are was vested with the supreme command. The experiencing the benefits of that kind of delivmunicipality formed a junto called De Observa-erance from the Royal Spaniards, by O'Higcion, by whom a new constitution was published. gins and the army of Buenos Ayres, that France Rondeau was named Director, but, being in mil-' has experienced under the Bourbons, supported MARCH, 1818. Spanish American Provinces. H. OF R. under various pretences, before the cargo was received, and after this delay the payment was made, not according to contract, but at the discretion of the Government. The owner was thus plundered of his property, and injured by this delay of his plunderers. The ship Enterprise, of Philadelphia, Captain Coffin, was em-、 ployed, by contract, to carry three hundred exiles from Juan Fernandez to Valparaiso, from whence they had been formerly banished by the royal party. He was to have received $7,200. He performed his contract-restored the exiles to their country and their homes. After a detention of two months, he was paid $2,500-St. Martin, the Washington of America, as he is called, alleging that this was enough. In the armies of La Plata, English and French officers are employed without scruple; Americans seldom, if ever. Our countrymen do not suit their manners, opinions, or Government. Juett, formerly of the Army of the United States, and Kennedy, formerly of the marine corps, sought in Valparaiso, in 1817, commissions in the army of St. Martin. He suspected them of attachment to the Carreras, and threw them into a dungeon, and whence they were not released until the captain of a vessel, who procured their liberation, entered into an engagement to take them immediately from a soil they were deemed unworthy to tread. To judge of the character of the nation, from the cruelty and harshness, or injustice, of an individual, was not reasonable; but when that individual was the theme of universal admiration in his own country, it could not be considered as improper to make him the standard by which to estimate the opinions and character of his countrymen. by the armies of Wellington and Alexander." The power of Spain had not been exerted against this new Government-not a Spanish soldier or bayonet had been sent from Old Spain since the restoration of Ferdinand. Was the new Government possessed of the physical and moral strength to resist her efforts when they should be made? Gentlemen should not deceive themselves. Spain, inert and powerless as she was, was a formidable power to Spanish America, by the nature of the Government, and the superstition of its inhabitants. She had ample resources for the purchase of assistance, should she be driven to this resort. The time had not arrived when the Spanish Monarch asked himself the important question-What part of my dominions will I surrender for the preservation of the rest? When he is willing to make great sacrifices he can procure ample assistance. Those who sold him ships for money will sell him men for territory. His European territories may tempt Russia-his possessions in the West Indies, England-to assist him in the subjugation of his rebellious subjects. He may sell La Plata for Portugal, and the parties to the holy league may guaranty their respective cessions to each other. Shall we find in La Plata the unanimity, energy. and virtue, to resist such arrangements, where Province is arrayed against Province, under Puerrydon and Artegas, viewing each other with a hostility more deadly than the proverbially mutual hatred of Spaniard and Portuguese? A still more fatal course may be pursued. The King of Spain may choose to try persuasion, giving to England the promise of free commerce with the Spanish Main; may he not easily procure another mediation, the condition of which shall be the conditional return of La Plata to her Every arrival from this land of promise brings dependent state? England knew well how to us the history of the oppressions of the existing make such a mediation effectual. Let it not be Government, and the fearful forebodings of our said her honor forbids it, or her interest. Her countrymen, that the people, for whom our anxinterest is promoted by the commercial monopious wishes are hourly expressed, will derive no oly such an arrangement will give. Her honor always bows obedient to the dictates of her commercial interest; if she should feel some qualms of conscience, the island of Cuba will calm her scruples. But has she ever promised more than to secure the commercial independence of Spanish America? What a contemptible figure should we make in the eyes of all mankind how degraded in our opinions-if we should recognise La Plata, and the Government should shortly after voluntarily return to the Spanish yoke! That the Committee might not be deceived by the supposed attachment felt by the new Government for the United States-by the profession of an anxious desire to follow our example, and imitate our virtue, Mr. F. would mention a few facts, at once illustrating the ardor of their attachment to the United States, and the justice and honor of the Government in its dealings with individuals. The American brig Savage, of Baltimore, sailed to Buenos Ayres with a cargo of military stores; they there sold them to Government, to be delivered in Chili. The voyage was performed; four months elapsed, benefits from the change of their governors; that the Spanish power will be restored in all its rigor; or that the new authorities will ever be exercised with the same contempt of the principles of justice and of freedom, that distinguished the ancient tyranny. It might be urged, that this was newspaper information, derived from persons of doubtful authority. This objection was of the same force, in its application, to all the information possessed of that country. It was of such materials its history was composed. A powerful, an irresistible argument, to induce the Committee to refrain from the commission of an act of doubtful propriety, might be drawn from this source; but Mr. F. would not trespass longer upon their patience, exhausted as it must be, by attending to the long and animated address of the Speaker, and his own desultory reply. When Mr. F. concluded his speech, the Committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again, on the intimation of Mr. LOWNDES, that he proposed to deliver his views of the subject. And the House adjourned. THURSDAY, March 26. Mr. POINDEXTER, from the Committee on Private Land Claims, reported a bill for the relief of John Johnson, Henry Perry, Richard Cravat, and Beley Cheney, the legal representatives of John McGrew, and the legal representatives of John Turnbull; which were twice read, and committed. Mr. P., from the same committee, also reported a bill for the relief of James Mackay, of Missouri; which was twice read, and committed. The bill from the Senate for the relief of John Small, was ordered to be read a third time, and was accordingly read a third time, and passed. On motion of Mr. TERRILL, the Committee on Commerce and Manufactures were instructed to inquire into the expediency of granting the consent of Congress to an act passed by the Legislalature of the State of Georgia, allowing fees to the health officer and harbor-master for the port of Darien. On motion of Mr. J. S. SMITH, the Committee on the Public Lands were instructed to inquire into the expediency of authorizing some other person than the President of the United States to sign patents for soldiers' bounty lands. MARCH, 1818. spirit towards the United States, with which it was commenced and prosecuted, and of its injurious effect on their highest interests, particularly by its tendency warrantable acts of the adventurers, it is presumed to compromit them with foreign Powers in all the unthat these documents would remove it. It appears, by the letter of M. Pazos, agent of Commodore Aury, that the project of seizing the Floridas was formed and executed at a time when it was understood that Spain had resolved to cede them to the United States, and to prevent such cession from taking effect. The whole proceeding, in every stage and in all its circumstances, was unlawful. The commission to General McGregor was granted, at Philadelphia, in direct violation of a positive law, and all the measures pursued under it, by him, in collecting his force, and directing its movements, were equally unlawful. With the conduct of these persons, I have always been unwilling to connect any of the Colonial Governments; because I never could believe that they had given their sanction which were pursued in the execution of it. These either to the project in its origin, or to the measures documents confirm the opinion which I have invariably entertained and expressed in their favor. JAMES MONROE. A list of papers transmitted with the President's Extract of a letter to a gentleman in the District of On motion of Mr. FLOYD, the Secretary of the Navy was instructed to lay before this House the proceedings of the court martial held for the trial of Franklin Wharton, lieutenant colonel of ma-enclosure, beingrines. The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting, according to the direction of the House, certain statements in relation to the expenses of general courts martial since the first of August, 1812; which was ordered to lie on the table. A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed bills of the following titles, to wit: An act for the relief of Cata Bunnell; An act concerning the bounty, or allowance, to fishing vessels, in certain cases; and, An act for the relief of Samuel Ward; in which bills they ask the concurrence of this House. The first of the said bills from the Senate was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. The second of the said bills was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Commerce and Manufactures. The last of the said bills was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Pensions and Revolutionary Claims. AMELIA ISLAND. The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: To the House of Representatives of the United States: I transmit to the House of Representatives, in compliance with their resolution, of March the 20th, such information not heretofore communicated, as is in the possession of the Executive, relating to the occupation of Amelia Island. If any doubt had before existed of the improper conduct of the persons who authorized, and of those who were engaged in the invasion, and previous occupancy of that island; of the unfriendly Copy of a letter from Sir Gregor McGregor, to a gentleman in Baltimore, dated Fernandina, 17th of July, 1817. The same to the same, dated at Nassau, New Providence, 25th of December, 1817, with an enclosure, being Extract of a Proclamation. 24th December, 1817, with an enclosure, being direcExtract of a letter to the Secretary of State, dated tions for sailing into Tampa Bay. Extract of a letter from the same to the same, dated 13th January, 1818, with enclosures, being directions for sailing into Tortola: Translation of a letter of Marque, and of Naturalization, granted by Sir Gregor McGregor. Extract of a letter to the same, dated 19th of January, 1818. Major J. Bankhead and Commodore J. D. Henley, to the President, dated Fernandina, 20th of January, 1818. Don Vincente Pazos to the Secretary of State, dated 8th February, 1818. Don Luis de Aury to the President of the United States, dated Fernandina, 23d of December, 1817. - Memorial of Don Vincente Pazos to the President of the United States, dated Washington, 7th February, 1818; accompanied with several documents. The Secretary of State to Don Vincente Pazos, dated 5th March, 1818. The Message was read, and ordered to lie on the table. SPANISH AMERICAN PROVINCES. The order of the day on the unfinished business having been announced Mr. POINDEXTER moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill, in order to afford time |