for the documents expressly bearing on the question, yesterday communicated, to be printed and laid before the House.

After conversation respecting it, this motion was negatived.

The House then having again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the general appropriation bill; and Mr. CLAY's motion to insert an appropriation for a Minister to Buenos Ayres being yet under consideration

Mr. LOWNDES addressed the House in a speech of about an hour and a half, in opposition to the motion.

Mr. ROBERTSON, of Louisiana.—I should not have risen to express my opinion on the present occasion, if I had not, at an early period of the session, indicated my intention to do so, whenever a proper opportunity should occur; but for this circumstance, I should have been contented to give a silent vote, for I am well aware, from my more than usual ill health, that there will be nothing in either the manner or the matter of my address to compensate the Committee for that attention which their indulgence may induce them to bestow.

I unite with the gentleman from South Carolina in considering the proposition of the Speaker as involving in its decision the views of this House, in respect to the independence of the Government of Rio de la Plata, and as to the expediency of acknowledging it. On both these points, my opinions are formed, and I shall give them utterance, without equivocation or hesitation, notwithstanding certain cabalistic words, of great efficacy with old women, and men of weak minds, of the use of which the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. LowNDES) has availed himself. I allude, sir, to his remarks on the danger of war, and the impropriety of casting censure on the conduct of the Executive.

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him with the cheering influence of its approbation, to give effect to his benevolent and kind feelings, and to do justice to the revolutionists, by acknowledging their independence, sending them an Ambassador, and placing them in that situation of equality which, he says, they are entitled to enjoy? Sir, it cannot be otherwise than agreeable to the President to know the opinion of Congress on so momentous a subject; if that opinion, independently expressed, shall concur with his own, he will act conformably to it; on the other hand, if, from the position he occupies in the Government, from his better information, or from any other circumstances, unknown to the public, he shall think it best to continue, unchanged, the state of our relations with South America, he will do so. For one I shall not object, if he does but exercise his right to judge and decide for himself; and I am too much in the habit of pursuing my own opinion, to blame others, whether in public or private stations, for exhibiting a like independence.

But, the gentleman from South Carolina seems to contend, that it is the exclusive right of the Executive to manage our foreign relations; that he is better informed on these subjects, and that this House ought not to interfere so far as to suggest an opinion or a wish, unless it is meant to be understood, that strong disapprobation is felt towards the course which has been pursued. I think, too, it may be inferred from the remarks of the gentleman, that the President is not only better informed on all questions of this kind than Congress or the nation, but that it is right and proper that he should keep his information to himself, and not part with it too freely or too frequently. Now, I dissent from all such doctrine; I look upon it to be the duty of Congress to express its opinion freely upon all questions which concern our domestic or foreign affairs, and I consider it I beg leave to assure the Committee, that I as the solemn duty of the Chief Magistrate of a have no wish to involve the country in war; popular Government to disseminate among the that I agree in everything my friend from South people all information that can instruct them on Carolina has said as to the inappreciable advant-points so important as their situation in regard ages of peace. I would even go further; I al- to other Governments. most think that peace is necessary to the existence I would ask, sir, how else can the wise meaof liberty. Rarely indeed does the freedom of sures of a virtuous administration receive rational nations survive the expensive and bloody contests approbation, or how a vicious Government be in which they are too prone to indulge; liberty, arrested in its mad career? Shall it be justified morals, prosperity, all depend upon peace; they in managing in secret the whole interests of the are too precious to be wantonly hazarded; I public, in plunging into war after a long concatewould sanction no measure that would endan-nation of events, which, if known, might have ger them but under the most imperious circum-been prevented, or in allowing the nation to restances. Nothing, too, is further from my intention than to censure the conduct of the Executive; so far from it, I wish to give to the President the strongest proof of my agreeing with him in opinion, by furnishing him with the means of executing his wishes in regard to the people of South America. Has he not told us, sir, that he feels the sincerest sympathy in their behalf, and has he not told us further that they were a people engaged in civil war, and entitled to equal rights with their enemies; and can it be otherwise than gratifying to him, that this House should concur in his views, and enable, nay, more, encourage

pose in security, when, from its own acts, or those of other Governments, it stands on the brink of a precipice? Ought there not rather, in such a Government as ours, to be the most unreserved and frank communication of facts, of whatever kind they may be? Ought there not to be felt and evidenced, towards the people, the most entire and unaffected confidence? Will the people long continue to confide in those who manifest distrust, by covering their proceedings, whether of an external or internal nature, with a veil of mystery and secrecy ?

I cannot approve of the observations of the

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Spanish American Provinces.

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gentleman from South Carolina, and I do hope former European master. The freedom of Venethat the present Administration will act on no zuela, New Grenada, and Mexico, is, unhappily, such principles. In the examination of the pres-less assured; but they, too, have declared thement subject, I shall not indulge myself in so wide selves absolved from the tyrant's yoke. Many a range as some of the gentlemen who have pre- years ago the Executive of the United States ceded me. I will endeavor to show that the laid before this House the Constitution of VeneGovernment of Rio de la Plata is independent, zuela, and a resolution was adopted by the comand that it is expedient to acknowledge that in-mittee to whom it was referred, declaratory of dependence. To establish the fact of its inde- the interest this House felt in their success, and pendence, let us inquire whether it has declared promising to recognise them as independent itself independent? Of this there is no doubt; when they should take a stand among the nations this fact is not disputed by any one. I state it of the world. In regard to Buenos Ayres, that thus specifically, because it is far from being happy period has arrived; and it becomes us to itself an unimportant circumstance. In our own realize the hopes to which our promises have case, it was not so considered. In the language given rise. The fate of New Grenada has been of one historian, Ramsey, after that event we various; it has sometimes enjoyed self-govern' no longer appeared in the character of subjects ment, and has been again subject to the tempo'in arms against their sovereign, but as an inde-rary control of the usurpers of its rights. The 'pendent people, repelling the attacks of an in- gentleman from Georgia tells us, that Mexico has vading foe." And Marshall says, "we changed been preserved to the royal cause by its own na'our situation by the Declaration of Independ- tive population; that it has not been found ne'ence, and were no longer considered as subjects cessary to send over foreign troops to secure its ' in rebellion." From that time, too, we date our allegiance to its sovereign. But the gentleman actual independence. It has not been permitted forgot to inform us that Mexico has been always to be deferred till its acknowledgment by other filled with European troops, and that the number nations, nor until the peace; and so has the fact already there rendered any augmentation unnebeen established, as well by political as judicial cessary. But for the Europeans in Mexico, a decisions, both in England and in the United dissolution of its connexion with Spain would States. Buenos Ayres remained faithful to Spain | long ago have taken place. under circumstances extremely favorable to her throwing off the yoke. When the Peninsula was overrun by a foreign army and torn by domestic faction, the people of Buenos Ayres submitted to be governed as a colony; they were willing to continue their former connexion, while the Government was in the hands of Charles, or Ferdinand, or Juntas, having the semblance of power; but, when the whole of the Peninsula, except Cadiz, fell into the possession of France, they declared themselves independent; this was done by the Viceroy Cissneros. But the final and great act of 1816 flowed from the people; they then declared themselves independent of Spain and the Bourbons; established a Government for themselves, and have ever since enjoyed the most perfect exemption from everything like foreign control. They now appoint their own Executive Magistrate, their legislators, their judges, lay taxes, raise armies, and build navies, with which they not only secure their own inde pendence, but diffuse that blessing over the neighboring Governments of Chili and Peru. They are more independent than we were at any one moment previously to the peace of 1783. Their soil is free from the pollution of a foreign hostile foot; and, if it be said that they have their factions, so had we ours. We had, in addition to our foreign foes, our tories and domestic traitors. But it is objected that the provinces are not all united under one Government, and that Artigas is in possession of the province of Montevideo. But the possession of Artigas is not the possession of Ferdinand; the whole of the Banda Oriental is as free from his authority as Buenos Ayres itself; and the sole question at present is as to the independence of Rio de la Plata of its

But, sir, for what purpose has the gentleman from Georgia dwelt so long and so earnestly on the motives of the people of South America for declaring themselves independent, and on the manner in which the struggle has been conducted? The only question is, whether they are or are not independent. But the gentleman is as mistaken in his views on these subjects, as it is unkind in him, professing, as he does, to wish success to their cause, to pass their conduct, distorted as it is, in review before us, when nothing renders such investigation necessary. The gentleman says, that their revolution did not begin on principles favorable to individual liberty; but I would ask, sir, what revolution ever did? What revolution ever stopped at the point to reach which it commenced? What revolution, at its origin, ever advanced the principles on which, in its progress, it was conducted? What revolution ever terminated where the particular grievances were removed which gave it birth? A candid examination of our own history will sufficiently elucidate these views. We did not com. mence our contest with the mother country with any avowal, whatever might have been the intention of the intelligent and virtuous, of a wish to throw off colonial subjection; far from it; our professions of attachment and fidelity to the monarch were never before so frequent nor so strong. We complained of trifling grievances; proceeded cautiously to remonstrances, then to resistance; declared ourselves, after a lapse of some years, independent, and ultimately overturned the entire fabric of that Government, which, in the beginning, we so often praised, and merely affected to disapprove in some comparatively immaterial points. So the South Ameri

MARCH, 1818.

Spanish American Provinces.

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can patriots act cautiously in regard to their ion of Buenos Ayres, is of no importance in setformer masters; profess. for a convenient time, en-tling the question of its independence; this rests tire devotion to their will, and take advantage of on broad facts, some of which I have mentioned, circumstances to effect the liberation of their and which are known to the whole world; they country. But I acknowledge that individual free-establish the independence of the Government of dom does not seem to be with their leaders a sub- Rio de la Plata beyond all dispute, and it reject of sufficient concern, and perhaps on this mains now to be asked, whether we ought or point it is no more difficult to excuse them, than ought not to acknowledge that independence? on that connected with their national independ- The first question that naturally presents itself, ence. Let it be kept in view that they have two is, whether it is the custom of our Government great objects to attain the one, obnoxious to to acknowledge the independence of independent Spain, their national independence-the other, nations? There is no doubt of this fact. Is hateful to all Governments, except our own, in- there a monarchy in the world, whose independividual liberty. As they, in common with all dence we have not recognised, or are not prerevolutionists, have found it necessary to mask pared to recognise? However little they may their designs on the first point, so may it be poli- merit respect; however insignificant they may tic in them to be as silent as possible in regard to be in the scale of nations; however odious the the other. Where, throughout this enslaved principles and practices of their Government, world, are they to look for countenance or sup- their Representatives are greeted here at Washport, if they should dare to announce too openlyington with an attention the most flattering. their attachment to democratic forms of govern- Have we not an Ambassador from Ferdinand? ment? Will the combined despots of Europe I mention him as an odious monarch; and have smile upon their efforts? Can they look across we not one also from Louis XVIII? And will the Atlantic for the cheering influence of appro- it be for a moment contended, that Rio de la bation, when even here, in this Republic, they Plata is not more independent than France? Is meet with cold indifference? Do they not per- Rio de la Plata in the possession of a foreign ceive that the nations of Europe, although friendly Power, and kept down by foreign bayonets, or is to their independence, are hostile to their free- it self-governed? Yet France has her Repredom? And may not this account, if it be true sentative here, while a more independent people indeed, for the carelessness exhibited by them, ac- are excluded from that attention and respect. cording to the gentleman from Georgia, on the Sir, if the Government of Rio de la Plata was subject of individual rights? monarchical, three months would not elapse be

United States. I do not mean to say on account of its being monarchical; but in that case it would not be an object of hate and jealousy to the despots of Europe. They would acknowledge its independence, and we would then come in lagging on behind: we would follow their example. But the political institutions of that State are not legitimate; and, although the legitimates of Europe have no objection to their independence of Spain, they do object to their undertaking to govern themselves, without the pater

But it is objected that the Provinces of Lafore its independence would be recognised by the Plata are not united under one Government; and the gentleman from South Carolina suggests that whole districts of country are probably still subject to royal authority, or governing themselves independently of Buenos Ayres; this may or may not be the fact; but this is certain, that their distance, their want of population, their obscurity, are too apparent to have any effect on the present question. The gentleman from South Carolina adverts to a mistake of the Speaker, as to the number of the provinces of La Plata, and tells us that there are no more than thirteen, in-nal assistance of Kings. For my part, I should stead of twenty. Exclusive of the inconsequence of this difference, I would observe, that it is far from being certain that both the gentlemen are not in error. Like them, I have paid some attention to the geographical history of that country. My researches have led me to suppose that the Audiencia of Charcas, which includes the whole of the country sometimes called the Government of Buenos Ayres, and now the Government of Rio de la Plata, is divided into provinces, districts, and jurisdictions; that there are nine provinces, seven districts, and four jurisdictions making twenty grand divisions, and some of these again are subdivided into smaller provinces. But it is not wonderful that these differences should exist on this and many other questions respecting Spanish America. It was the policy of the Royal Government to keep the world ignorant of that country, and to keep the inhabitants ignorant of each other. But, however all this may be, the inquiry as to the geographical divis

wish, on such an occasion, to take the lead; I would exult, as a Republican, in viewing my own Government proudly taking ground for itself, and disdaining the most indirect dictation, or even imitation, of their sacred Majesties of Europe. I should like to perceive among us a little more of that sympathy for Republics, which they so strongly feel for each other; and as I think their policy wise in surrounding themselves with Governments like their own, I cannot help being of opinion, that we should be strengthened by the establishment of free governments in this Western hemisphere. Justice to ourselves requires this course. We ought not to hazard the loss of the affections of a nation struggling to be free. If we are cold and indifferent towards them, finding themselves utterly abandoned, when they had a right at least to respect and countenance, they will adopt the principles which, however injurious to their civil rights, secure them the smiles of monarchs, and separate them from the

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infernal despotism of Ferdinand. Sir, under cir- present course of procedure in a most singular cumstances much more perilous, we have acted and unfavorable aspect, that the policy of Washwith more manliness; we have disdained to be ington was denounced as timid and unfriendly to drawn from that course which a due regard to France. The Republicans of that day, at the ourselves, as well as to others, required. When head of whom stood our two last, and our presFrance rose in the majesty of her strength, and ent Chief Magistrates, were dissatisfied with the broke the chains of a monarch's sway; when the coldness and indifference of the then President Kings of Europe, terrified and enraged, combined towards a people struggling to establish the great to strangle in its birth the infant freedom of the principles for which we had so nobly contended. world; when, so far from recognising, they clad Who were right and who were wrong, it is not themselves in armor to annihilate the Republic; for me to decide, but General Washington rewhen our aristocratic Minister at Paris gave us ceived a Minister from France, when a political to understand that an acknowledgment of the war was waged against her by all Europe comRepublic would prove fatal to our own; then, bined. He recognised that Republic when it even then, comparatively feeble as we were, des- was outlawed throughout all the world, when titute of the population and resources which we our population was comparatively small, when now possess, the Executive formed the magnani- our resources were insignificant; while we, at the mous resolution to receive the French Minister. present day, when there is no war against the I beg leave to call the attention of the Com- independence of the people of Buenos Ayres, mittee to the very words of the immortal man while they are not denounced or outlawed, when who then presided over the Executive depart- indeed their independence would be to the interment; they deserve to be deeply engraved on the est of all other nations; when our strength, phymemory of every American statesman. In a let-sical and moral, is augmented to boundless reter at that time written to Mr. Morris, our Am-sources; and above all, when there is no danger, bassador at Paris, General Washington observes: we, I say, do not by any means go as far as that "That the right of every nation to govern itself Administration, whose caution, as it was then ' according to its own will; to change its Consti'tution at discretion, and to transact its business through whatever agents it might think proper, were principles on which the American Gov- But, although I have succeeded in proving the 'ernment itself was founded, and the application independence of Buenos Ayres, and in showing of which could be denied to no other people." that it is agreeable to the usages of the United Do we not deny the application of this principle States to recognise the independence of independto the people of Buenos Ayres? And if it be ent Governments, yet it will be said that, in this the principle on which our Government was case, we should deviate from our accustomed founded, do we not abandon it? Were they not course, for fear of involving our country in war. provinces like ourselves? Have they not changed If this were a sufficient reason, if it were very their institutions and their agents? If the prin- honorable to acknowledge ourselves deterred from ciple be true in respect to ourselves, is it not doing what we have a right to do, from what we equally so in regard to others? And do they not are accustomed to do, yet the reason is utterly unpresent precisely the case, on the happening of founded in truth; for why are we to be involved which General Washington considers the recog-in war, and with whom, no one can tell; there nition of them as necessarily growing out of the elementary principles on which our own Government stands?

6

called, was so offensive to the Republicans of that day; for what reasons and from what motives, I can neither comprehend nor conjecture.

will be no war, there is no danger of war; in truth, war rages nowhere but in distempered imaginations.

Sir, there was a party at that time opposed to Is it a cause of war that we acknowledge, the the acknowledgment of the French Republic; independence of any Government whatever? It the question whether a Minister should or should never was so considered. Consult jurists and hisnot be received, was submitted by the President torians-examine facts and theory-I venture to to his Cabinet, as it is called. Mr. Hamilton and assert, that the simple recognition of independGeneral Knox were opposed to receiving a Min-ence, without aid or compact, was never deemed ister; Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph in favor a cause of war, and never did produce it; the decof doing so. General Washington, who had pre-laration of war by England against France, durviously made up his own opinion, pursued the ing our Revolution, has been frequently mencourse recommended and sustained by the latter tioned as proving the position for which our adgentlemen. Mr. Genet was received. We did versaries contend. A brief statement of facts will not wait for other nations to set us the example; show how fallacious is such a conclusion. That we were not afraid of their displeasure, although France did not content herself with simply acthey were all combined in arms to put down that knowledging our independence, but at the same Government; we acted as we chose, we acted as time that she guarantied that independence, and became the dignity of a free people; then the entered into treaties with us, that it was for her cry of danger, the alarm of war, which were in-effrontery in making treaties with her revolted cessantly rung in the ears of the public, were colonies that England resolved on vengeance, disregarded; we scorned the fear of punishment are facts as notorious as any in the history of that for exercising a right, for performing a duty. interesting era. But it is a curious fact, and one that places our

Ramsey tells us that, after the capture of Bur

MARCH, 1818.

goyne's army, the King of France determined to ployed in keeping their own subjects in suborditake us by the hand and publicly to espouse our nation. Admirable as their Governments may cause, and that our Commissioners at Paris, be, something like coercion seems necessary to Franklin, Dean, and Lee, were informed by Mr. impress that opinion on the minds of their people. Garrard, one of the Secretaries of the Council of The armies of Europe are not now intended to State, "that it was decided to acknowledge the guard against, or to make foreign conquests; they independence of the United States, and to make are to keep their inhabitants in slavery, and the a treaty with them; that his most Christian Ma- kings on their thrones; three millions of soldiers 'jesty desired the treaty once made should be du- in arms are all necessary for that purpose; they 'rable; that he was fixed in his determination not have no occasion to look abroad for employment; only to acknowledge, but to support their inde- they need not come across the Atlantic. Sir, the 'pendence, and that the only condition he should impulse given to the human character by the ' require and rely on, would be, that the United American and French Revolutions still survives; States, in no peace to be made, should give up the principles of despotism and superstition are 'their independence, and return to their obedi- dead-they do not suit the age; they may be susence to the British Government." Conforma- tained a little longer by the force of bayonets, but bly with these preliminaries, Louis XVI., on the the love of liberty lives in the heart, will again 6th of February, 1778, entered into treaties of before long have utterance, and ultimately sucamity, commerce, and alliance, with the United ceed and triumph. Blind, indeed, must that man States, and became the guarantee of their sover- be, who does not see in the large standing armies eignty, independence, and commerce. The al- of the Governments of Europe, the fear-the just liance between France and America was soon fear-in which they stand of those whom they known to the British Ministry, and the King and rule and oppress. Sir, we may manage our own Parliament resolved to punish, France for treat-affairs in our own way, without the fear of kings ing with their subjects. It will not be denied that before our eyes. They have enough to do to here there was cause enough for war; but how keep things in order at home; their vigilance is different from all this is the proposition for the more and more necessary every day; if they resimple recognition of the independence of La lax, they are hurled from their usurped dominion. Plata! But from whom are we to apprehend I rejoice in this state of terror and alarm, and I war-from the Spaniards? The idea is too ridic- most seriously wish that many years may not ulous to be for a moment entertained. The Ad- pass away before sufficient proof may be given ministration has given them quite cause enough that their fears are not unfounded and visionary. for war already, by taking possession of, and hold- But, sir, admitting, as is, on the main, genering a part of their territory, and that, too, in spite ally admitted, that war would not be the conseof the protest of their Minister. We are at this quence of sending a Minister to Buenos Ayres, moment, too, invading their country in pursuit yet it is contended that we have no interest, comof Indians; the truth is, they cannot make war mercial or political, in their independence-inagainst us, and our Government know it. How deed, it is pretended that it would be better for can they do so-have they troops to spare? Why, us, that they should continue in a state of colothey are unable to send a single regiment against nial subjection. Sir, I feel an aversion seriously some of their provinces; and their troops in those to combat so vile a proposition. I cannot believe where they have any are diminishing daily. I that the happiness of others is incompatible with do think we are in no imminent danger from our own-such a principle does not enter into Spain; but perhaps France may resent our send- the great scheme of nature-it is the pitiful ing a Minister to La Plata. Poor France, tramp- emanation of counting-house calculation, and is led, humbled, and subdued-I will pass by her as untrue, as it is unworthy of anything but conbut England may be disposed to chastise us, if we tempt. Sir, the independence of South America countenance the rebel Americans. Now, I will is the common cause of all commercial Powersventure to assert that there is not an intelligent for the question is, whether its trade, by the subman in the United States, that does not know version of its independence, will be again monthat England is as much interested in the inde-opolized by Spain; or, by the establishment of it, pendence of South America as we are, that she has done more to promote it, and that, from everything that we can observe, she is as liberal, in all respects, to the great cause in which they are engaged as we can pretend to be. We may hush our alarms on that score-England will not make war upou us; from the present state of Europe, I believe we shall not have another war with that, nation; I am sure we shall not, unless for a better cause than our recognition of the independence of La Plata.

Mr. Chairman, the combined despots of Europe cannot, as formerly, indulge themselves in the royal sport of arms; they cannot wage wars of amusement or ambition; they are sufficiently em

laid open on equal terms to all the world; whether it is our interest to participate in the commerce of the colonial possessions of Spain, amounting in exports and imports to two hundred millions of dollars, or to be excluded from it entirely. This is the view of the subject; for it must not be forgotten that a return of these countries to the state of colonies, brings along with it the concomitant effects of the monopoly enjoyed by the Metropolitan government. The commerce which we now enjoy would be lost to us; and when we take into consideration the number of our vessels already engaged in trade with the Atlantic ports, as well as those with, and without licenses, interchanging their cargoes with those on the