Spanish American Provinces.

H. of R.

Spanish American Provinces.

MARCH, 1818.

rable as she is, without resources, without finances, convince the nations of Europe of the rectitude bankrupt at home, that monarchy still lingers, like of our intentions, are we not bound to take care the gamester, upon the delusive hope that a for- of the interests of America, that she should not tuitous concurrence of circumstances may again complain? As she has already been considered, bring under her dominion half a revolted world. and that too by high authority, as engaged in And now we are told by the honorable chair- civil war, a situation in which all know, that in man of the Committee of Foreign Affairs (Mr. justice each party is entitled to equal rights and FORSYTH) that he is unwilling to make the re- respect; and, as seems manifest, warring to maincognition, because it will interfere with our dis- tain an independence which she has already pute with Spain. Surely that ought not to weigh wrested from the iron grasp of oppression, and with him from whom, recollecting his declaration ought to be regarded by the world as the germ a few days ago on this floor, it is expected some of general emancipation. Clear as these facts strong measure will be proposed with regard to seem to be, we are told, with a doubtful inquiring Spain. Is it a declaration of war? then why look, as if listening for danger, that we are obshould he oppose this recognition? Is it a propo- served by Europe, and that we should not excite sition to take possession of Florida? Why in their jealousy or distrust, as if the justice of nathat case should he oppose it? rather ought it to tions was the result of fear; I know, too, there are be a cogent reason for adopting this measure. many excellent men whose feelings are enlisted Yet, inadequate as Spain is, to a task so unequal for these brave patriots, struggling against a Powas that of reducing a Government fully organized er which still annoys them, who pause in their since their revolution, and exercising the rights decision because this Hydra Europe is constantly of sovereignty for years, building fleets, raising presented to their view. Sir, it will be a black and equipping armies, and marching them to dis- and sorrowful day to this Republic, when this tant provinces to finish there a work which them-imaginary course of Europe is to be held over selves had consummated-notwithstanding these its deliberation like a lash of scorpions to goad it strong and decided proofs of independence, ex- on to anything or stop it in its course. Can that hibited in the fullest powers of government, un- alarm the nations of Europe which is bottomed molested by hostile troops within their territory, upon the law of nations, since they have been so still we hear of Europe; as if, to measure justice, lately engaged in apportioning that plundered we should consult the frowns or smiles of another continent, without consulting our jealousies or continent! our fears? For my own part I cannot imagine From some cause or other, lively apprehen- such fears-radically inimical as I am to an insions have arisen in the mind of the honorable terest which of late had nearly involved us in chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, ruinous difficulties; I have too high an opinion (Mr. LOWNDES,) that an acknowledgment of of the quick sagacity of the British cabinet, not to this kind might involve us in national difficul- believe they would discern their own unequivo ties. Can he, of all others, who is so well ac- cal interest in doing this act of justice. The quainted with laws of nations, hint this result of fears of Europe! What can the petty States of an acknowledgment, admitted by all the writers Italy fear from our acknowledging the independon that law, to be no cause of war? Whilst I ence of the Republic of La Plata? These would, with the most scrupulous care and exact- wretched Governments, enveloped in the legiti ness, avoid what might endanger the tranquillity mate fogs of Europe, are unseen in the scale of of my country, I would likewise avoid whatever nations. What can Russia fear? Surely none might give a pang to this budding Republic; can be so politically bewildered, as to believe and if to pursue the right, and administer strict she can fear anything; she has her views nearer impartiality and justice, cannot secure to this na-home; with a boundless extent of territory, comtion her amicable relations undisturbed, it would be madness or folly in the extreme, to believe any course free from the dangerous tempests which as often arise from mistaken policy as conflicting interests. I am sorry that gentleman (Mr. LOWNDES) has insinuated that the proposed measures was in hostility to the Executive; it is to be lamented that any such opinion should have escaped him; from his usual benevolence it was not expected, and if anything has been contemplated of that kind, he might have spared those who advocate the measure from honest convictions. But against any such motive for myself I utterly protest, nor do I believe any such motive to have actuated the honorable mover of the proposition. I have been impelled by the convictions of my own mind, and, whilst ever I have the honor of a seat in this House, such only will govern me.

In this fear of giving offence, and this zeal to

prising one-twenty-eighth part of the whole surface of this huge globe-a population so vast as to overturn, like a resistless torrent, everything which opposes it; still anxious to extend her dominions to the South, and acquire territory on the Mediterranean; she will before long give employment to her neighbor there, and it were well for the Powers of Europe to look to their own safety in time. Could England view a measure of this kind with jealousy or suspicion, when at this very instant efforts are making throughout Europe, not loud, but deep and dangerous, to exclude from their markets every species of her manufactures? Witness the conduct of France, Holland, Sweden, Russia, and other Powers, as it regards the cotton manufactures. Witness the large private associations in these countries, binding themselves by the solemn obligation of an oath, to use their every effort to exclude from their country the use of British fabrics of every

MARCH, 1818.

Spanish American Provinces.

H. OFR.

description. This, sir, is a continental system he who now sways the ponderous sceptre of Rusmore terrible to England, or soon will be, than sia a man whose talents and sagacity were all the colossal power of the Great Napoleon, en- equal to the population, the wealth, and the exforcing the same object. Is it not rather her true tent of her dominions-the crash of falling thrones interest to support this infant Power, even with would have resounded throughout Europe, and arms, where she will find a tenfold market for their legitimacy, instead of a protocol, would have her merchandise, unrivalled, and increasing per- been thundered from her cannon's mouth. If, haps for one hundred years? These then are Mr. Chairman, the United States shall turn from the only Powers which have any concern in this question, other nations will not; England, these events. The rest of Europe is a mere more generous than we, will do them justice, and mockery upon the independence of nations. Ger- reap the fruits of their grateful benedictions. many and Sweden, with her Bernadotte, any- These colonies, for a long time settled for the thing Russia pleases, and Prussia almost an ap- purposes of commerce, had no political existence, pendage-Holland and Portugal at the disposal or any part in the great agitations of the worldof England; and Spain, reposing in the embroid- too distant from the mother country to feel anyered arms of the adored Ferdinand, dissolving by thing of national prejudices or predilections, they a political hectic, unpitied by the world; and have become a new people, under the influence France, lately the gaze of admiring millions, of a different climate, where the productions, the guided by the overwhelming genius of her Em-scenery, the physical conformation of the counperor, is now little else than the great garrison of Europe, with a pageant King in splendid misery in the midst of it.

But Russia, true to her own interest, has not been inattentive to the great events which have been evolving themselves in South America; her attempt to acquire territory on the Gulf of California, and even, if the news be true, upon our very borders, is a proof of this; she is willing to acquire territory by every change, and every event, for territory has been the hereditary mania of her monarchs. Unwilling to commence hostilities at all times, disappointment only results in new efforts on new objects, at distant and different points, which must eventuate, if permitted by the Powers of Europe silently to progress, in her controlling the commerce of the world. England, actuated by different motives, has approved, by her conduct, and fostered those brilliant successes, by which the patriots of South America have raised to fame a column of glory so bright, as to shed a blaze of renown over half the world, and has embalmed forever the name of her heroes.

What have we done? The honorable chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs (Mr. FORSYTH) tells us that the patriots captured a vessel belonging to a citizen of the United States, and refused others employment in their service; that the only sympathy felt is felt by us; that the sympathy is all on our side. Then, sir, I must say they are languid indeed! for instead of those vivid sympathies which should have watered with our tears the rosy bed of immortality, on which sleep many of the heroic defenders of that Republic, we passed an act, like an one-eyed warder upon the watchtower, who sees only on one side, and calls out "all is well," whilst danger and ruin nearly approaches on the other. Sir, if our apprehensions prevent us from doing them justice, let them not induce us to do injustice; let us not impede their high destinies by a law which operates unequally, since that wonderful wisdom which willed the destiny of empires hath willed it so, for the happiness of America and the safety of Europe; else if Spain, a few little years ago, had seen on her throne a monarch such as

try, and even the very sky and the stars of heaven are so different, that nothing of the Spaniard is left but the name, and that now no more.

In vain has the fond remembrance of their forefathers endeavored to cherish the recollections of their youth, by giving to the hills, the valleys, the rivers, and mountains, of their adopted country, the names of the places of their childhood. These names no longer produce a forceful feeling; the heart has ceased to vibrate at the sound; the meaning unknown to the present generation. Under this different climate, new habits, new wants have been generated, national remem brances have been obliterated; all is new, all is changed.

Heretofore the young American, accustomed to hear his country contemned and despised, had no incentive to action. He had been told that in America all was degeneracy, all was savage, barbarous ignorance; and grave philosophers and naturalists have written books to prove the fact. Notwithstanding, he was prohibited from going to the mother country to enlighten his mind by an education, and by their inexorable laws for bidden to go even from one province to another. Thus, like a vegetable fastened to the soil, was he doomed to live, to die, and disappear forever, not even leaving a trace of his ever having existed.

Unable to govern himself, all officers of Government, of every rank and condition, have been sent him from Europe, to administer justice to him in his peaceable repose; but, sir, at the very sight of those officers they turned pale, and trembled at the sound of Spanish justice.

Thus have they lingered on, a listless life of acquiescence and patient resignation, for three hundred years, until this bright beam of liberty broke though the dark cloud of royalty which had nearly overshadowed them forever; but which, I trust, will light them to peace and to happiness as it has to independence.

If there are any doubts about their independence, from the circumstance of a part of Chili being still occupied by the royal forces, and a force of native Americans under Artigas opposed to the Republic, as stated by the gentleman from Georgia, let those doubts be dissipated when it is

H. OF R.

Spanish American Provinces.

MARCH, 1818.

remembered, that, late in our own Revolutionary happy in being one of those who believe the libwar, when the chances in the minds of many good men nearly poised between independence and subjugation, the celebrated battle of King's Mountain was fought between Whigs and Tories-a battle which has crowned the names of Campbell and of Shelby with immortal glory-acters as the English and the French. Consult a battle which measurably decided the fate of this Republic-nor let us longer doubt, when we reflect, that, by nature, every man in America is a General for enterprises like these. American wiles and stratagems, quick advance, attack, and fight, insure success; the slow and expensive formalities of European warfare, defeat.

These unfortunate people, sunk in despotism, have borne the contumely of all nations for their Spanish gravity, jealousy, and suspicion; but had even this been examined with indulgent kindness, it would have been found to be the mark which distinguished the slave of every country. This national gloom stamps itself upon the face of every Spaniard as soon as he is capable, from his own reflections, to distinguish that the tyranny of his Government, haunted continually by the phantoms of the imagination, has environed him with racks, and tortures, and the inquisition, where a living death of sufferance awaits more terrible than all. He dare not speak-he knows not but that every one who hears him is a spy upon his conduct-silence is his only retreat-his liberty, his property, at the disposal of any clandestine informer-his life, his reputation, his honor, at the disposal of an implacable priest, who knows no mercy or forgiveness. Well might they exclaim, with a rapturous fervor, Oh! for a revolution-it were celestial happiness compared with this!

erties of a republic can be enjoyed by a Spaniard, or by anybody; the enjoyment of freedom is not peculiar to any nation; all will admit that the Greeks once had it; the Romans, the Dutch, and many others, as dissimilar in their national charthe annals of the world, and I believe it will be found, that, wherever men are capable of making an effort to obtain their freedom, they are capable of enjoying it. Then why not have the benevolence to allow these brave patriots at least a capacity for freedom, since they have given so strong a proof of it as to establish their Government through revolution, and maintain it in war? If, Mr. Chairman, the law of nations is to be regarded by a just people; if the political whirlwinds which, for some time back, so desolated the civilized world, has left them anything but a wreck, or the hopeless resort of the weak and the impotent, I would say, that, whenever a contest became doubtful between contending Powers, without any regard whatever to the manner, cause, or origin of that contest, the world at large has a right to consider them equal, and even decide between them, if necessary, and is bound to extend to the one all the other had a right to expect. The case of James II, King of England, is a clear illustration of this position, and is acknowledged by all the writers on the law of nations as correct; and if a case more strong were necessary, as being a parallel in all respects to the present, I would cite that of the revolt of the Low Countries against Philip II, King of Spain, of "exterminating" memory, already spoken of by others, but with different impressions. Their independence, they declared, If, in the commencement of this conflict, many was acknowledged by Elizabeth, Queen of Engbloody and revengeful acts have been committed, land, the wisdom, moderation, and justice, of the noble spirits who direct the revolution can- whose government, is celebrated and acknowlnot be implicated, or their cause condemned, nor edged by all, even at this distant day, and places ought it in justice to be used as an argument her among the most illustrious monarchs of the against them. The horrors of our own Revolu- world. Philip remonstrated; her answer was— tion afford us proof of this, where the father and the law of nations gave her the right, and her the son have been armed against each other-interest prompted her to acknowledge their inwhere cold-blooded murders have been perpetrated, butcheries and indiscriminate massacres of men, women, and children, because they were Whigs, or because they were Tories. These things, it is true, happened only in certain sections of the country, but they did take place; we have heard but little of them; the English historians seem disposed to cast a veil over them, and the American at this time is not disposed to tear it aside; then, in such a state of things, can we wonder if, in the fury of contending armies, these generous patriots should have left unpunished crimes, which, in other times, their gentler natures would have wept at with tears of the bitterest sorrow? These things should not be attributed to them, but to their true source. Attribute them to that frenzied Power which sees nothing but the bloody dagger before it, and drives the most unresisting temper to madness and depair. The South Americans are now free, and long may the blessings of a republic attend them; for I am

dependence. Philip was content; nor did he even require his Ambassador to leave London. And is not England now precisely situated as she was then-the same necessity, nay, stronger inducements of interest? And will the present monarch, instructed by history, be less wise?

An honorable gentleman from Maryland (Mr. SMITH) has told us that the trade of the United States would receive no benefit from that country. He has told us that the article of wheat has been brought from Chili round to Brazil, or the West Indies, and sold at a lower rate than it could be taken from the United States. I would ask what the price of wheat has to do with the acknowledgment of the independence of those Republics? The inquiry has, too, been made with an air of triumph, what the United States would gain by an acknowledgment of this kind? I will not retort the question by asking what we could possibly lose by the acknowledgment; but I would ask, if it is a thing they, by the law of

nations, have a right to give, without doing injustice to Spain, or any Power whatever, why not grant the request?

But, sir, I contend that the United States would gain, and gain essentially, too. Certainly nothing could be more desirable to this nation, so full of enterprise, than a free and direct trade to these countries, the most luxuriant and extensive in the world; so rich in everything we want, and containing such inexhaustible abundance of the precious metals, and needing many things we have to spare. There is the strongest probability that our exports, instead of sixty or seventy millions, would be increased very many millions, and would be much benefited, were it only from the advantages of our contiguous situation. Nor can I perceive the force of the remarks of the honorable member from South Carolina, (Mr. LOWNDES,) luminous as he is on all subjects, when he tells us that injury will result to us, as our trade to that country, when compared with the trade of Great Britain to the same place, is, according to the little book from Philadelphia, in the ratio of one hundred thousand to seven miilions. Surely, if we cannot receive all or most of the benefit, it cannot be a reason why we should not receive some benefit.

H. OF R.

cause of war, is the strongest proof of this nation's aversion to that state of things; and Spain cannot otherwise than receive it as a new proof, on the part of the United States, of their love of peace, and friendly dispositions towards His Catholic Majesty, when they will do justice to others promptly, and seek it for themselves, through years of patient negotiation.

I will not now revive the long train of injuries and injustice of Spain, inflicted upon us even from the Treaty of November, 1782, with Great Britain. I will not recall to the recollection of this House, that, a very few days ago, we were debating on this floor, with much earnest solicitude, the Georgia claims; I will not remind them that it was expenditures Georgia was compelled to make to secure her inhabitants from the tomahawk of the ruthless savages, invading her territory, and delighting in blood; I will not remind them that they were instigated to this by the infamous conduct of the still more infamous Baron de Carondelet, the then Spanish Governor at New Orleans; I will not inform them that she seized upon the territory of Georgia as high up as the thirty-second degree of latitude, and built forts on the Mississippi above that latitude, at the Walnut Hills. I will not remind the House that But the grand object and advantage would be Georgia was a part of the United States, as acin systematizing a policy for America; that we knowledged by Great Britain and Spain, an ally, might be disenthralled-that we might not feel or, at all events, as it regarded Spain, we stood, the effects of that political plexus which has so quo ad hoc, as Great Britain had done, and the entangled the nations of Europe, by producing Treaty of Peace compelled each of these Powers those intimate connexions and combinations by to surrender to each other all the territory taken which the movements and operations of one during the war, except such as was specifically Power are so felt by all, as to influence their coun-named in their treaty. I will not revive the recils, and produce corresponding motions. When membrance of the many imperious, haughty, and now we negotiate, it is in Europe; when we are insolent communications made to our Governinconvenienced here, we send off an Ambassador ment previous to the Treaty of 1795. No, I will there; they are governed by the principles and not mention these things; let them pass in sipolicy of continental Europe, and not by any-lence, or as "a tale of the times of old," but this thing here. Do difficulties arise in Canada, they are adjusted in London. Do the same difficulties arise in Mexico, the province of Texas, or in Florida, it is settled in Madrid. Thus are we compelled to negotiate all our affairs upon the basis of European policy, because even the best interests of the colonists must give way to the policy of the mother country.

I will say, and had I the power, the undulation should reach the shores of Spain, and echo on the Throne; that the deposite at New Orleans was taken from us without assigning us another place as such, in violation of the existing treaty. That the firing into the Firebrand, a national ship, was a violation of existing treaties. That the incarceration of Richard W. Meade, contrary to the But when the independence of the South laws of Spain, was a violation of existing treaAmericans shall be acknowledged, and they take ties. That the confinement of Farro in the mines their stand among the great nations of the earth, of Mexico for near nineteen years, was a violathere will then be an American policy, and an tion of the existing treaty. That the confineEuropean policy, which may, in negotiation upon ment of Baird and McKnight, since the year just and honorable principles, be fairly opposed 1811 or 1812, contrary to the laws of Spain, was to each other. Nor does it militate against this a violation of existing treaties. That the capposition, whether, in the end, these governments ture of Choteau and Demun, far within the limshall be imperial or royal, instead of republi- its of the United States, and their subsequent can, which they now are. The great interests of confinement in the prisons of Santa Fe, was a America will be the same; and if, unhappily, violation of the existing treaty. That her perdifficulties should arise exclusively on this side mitting the British to land in her territory in the ocean, there will be no European conveni- Florida, during the late war, to arrange and plan ence to consult, delay, or obstruct their adjust-invasions of the United States, was a violation ment in terms of complete reciprocity. of the existing treaty. That her permitting, at

To acknowledge now the independence of this very instant, the Indians, within her terriSouth America, while the United States is writh-tory, to make war upon us, is a violation of existing under a thousand wounds, each a sufficienting treaties. That the letters of the Spanish