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to crowned heads, and had sent to Sweden and Holland Ministers Plenipotentiary, when those Governments had only sent Chargés d'Affaires to the United States; and that our Government had acted in like manner towards all the Monarchs of Europe. Mr. Chairman, if I recollect correctly, those acts were done during the time of Mr. Madison, nor did I know that they had ever before met the Speaker's disapprobation; on the contrary, I should have believed they had been approved by him. However, the Speaker will be pleased to know that both will soon return. No Minister has yet gone to Austria, although, it is well known that the Emperor is anxious to encourage our commerce to his dominions. Denmark has had a Minister in the United States for many years; our Government has not returned the compliment. Holland sent a Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States (Mr. Chauguion) and in return the late President sent a Minister of equal grade. Holland withdrew her Minister, and sent a Chargé, and I understand the present President means to act in like manner. It appears thus that no censure attaches to the President now in office, on that subject. The Speaker tells us that Prussia has sent a Minister to the United States, and that our Government will return the compliment; and for what? he asks. Prussia, he says, has only two miserable ports on the Baltic. The Speaker forgets that Prussia has lately obtained Swedish Pomerania, and enjoys a seacoast of more than sixty miles, from Mecklenburg to the confines of Russia, including many noble ports; among the number, the great city of Dantzic, the Stralsund, Koningsberg, Stettin, and Memel; that we draw from Prussia linens of all kinds, to a large amount, and pay her in tobacco, cotton, sugar, coffee, and tea, and other articles of our surplus importations; and yet I have not understood that our Government intends to send a diplomatic agent there immediately. Mr. Chairman, it is the duty of the President to endeavor to extend the commerce of our country; and whenever he can do so by the sending of a Minister, I believe he will. It might be important to send a mission to Constantinople, and by treaty cause our vessels to be admitted on equal terms with other nations; at present they are not. Mr. Chairman, I think I have shown that the conduct of our Government towards the patriots of South America, has been liberal and proper; that recognition by France and Holland of the independence of the United States, was the cause of England declaring war, and of course that recognition is considered as cause of war. I have endeavored to show that we have not yet such information as to the situation of La Plata, as would justify us in taking a step that would probably Iead to war; that the President has pursued the proper course to obtain correct information, and that it is prudence to wait the return of the Commissioners before we act. Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, rose, for the purpose of offering his view of this interesting subject, to the consideration of the Committee, in support

of the amendment proposed by the honorable Speaker; and said, as he knew the House must be weary at this late hour of the day, the only apology he could make, was, that he would not detain them long. ... I am, said he, strongly imo: with a belief that an appropriation of this ind would well comport with the disinterested views of this Government, and would enable the President at any time to do justice to this Republic, which has achieved an object so glorious to itself, and of such signal benefit to mankind. The present is a favorable moment, when our affairs are #.”. and quiet—the world calm, and no political ebullitions to distract us. This would be the safe course—the dignified course— dictated by the true policy of the United States, and one calculated to free them from the odious doubts and suspicions of partiality, which have been cast upon them, and would place their conduct in a high point of view, both for magnanimity and justice. The spectacle presented to our view is sublime and wonderful; a brave people, disdaining the shackles of a foreign despot, wading through rivers of blood to erect their constitution upon a firm basis, which will secure to them the enjoyment of personal liberty, and give them a stand among the nations of the earth, as free and independent. Through the storms of revolution, their institutions have been purified. Warring now to maintain their freedom, they appealed to this nation for justice, and ought to have demanded our attention. This nation, free as air, cannot envy the enjoyment of the world besides, will bestow a part of its deliberations upon that appeal; nor now refuse to listen to the dictates of justice, of policy, or to the cries of suffering humanity, in adopting this amendment; that the appropriation may be made; that justice be dealt out with

an even hand—as I should be sorry to believe the

United States could at any time so far forget the great principles of equal rights, equal liberty, and equal law, as to give the smallest grounds for complaint to any nation, and surely the situation of these people entitles them to this appellation. The civil dissensions which for some time so convulsed the Spanish monarchy, have at length assumed a determinate shape, and war is now no longer the war of revolution, or a civil war, but the efforts of contending Governments. This young Republic, powerful in its resources, recovering with renewed vigor from every disaster, believes herself justified by the law of nations, in demanding a recognition of her rights as a free and independent nation. Spain, bloated with pride, inherited through a long line of ancestors, is incapable of imitating the noble and magnanimous conduct of Great Britain, who, after seven years of war with us, came forward as Great Britain ought to have done, and acknowledged our independence. Yet that Monarch, who boasts the sun never sets upon his dominion, parts with reluctance from the smallest piece of soil, and wars by withholding his assent to independence, when hostilities have ceased, through inability to prosecute them. Misebring under her dominion half a revolted world.

H. of R. Spanish American Provinces. MARCH, 1818.

rable as she is, without resources, without finances, I convince the nations of Europe of the rectitude bankrupt at home, that monarchy still lingers, like | of our intentions, are we not bound to take care the gamester, upon the delusive hope that a for- of the interests of America, that she should not tuitous concurrence of circumstances may again complain 7 As she has already been considered,

and that too, by high authority, as engaged in

And now we are told by the honorable chair- civil war, a situation in which all know, that in man of the Committee of Foreign Affairs (Mr. |justice each, party is entitled to equal rights and

Forsyth) that he is unwilling to make the re

respect; and, as seems manifest, warring to main

cognition, because it will interfere with our dis-|tain an independence which she has already pute with Spain. Surely that ought not to weigh wrested from the iron grasp of oppression, and with him from whom, recollecting his declaration ought to be regarded by the world as the germ a few days ago on this floor, it is expected some | of general emancipation. Clear as these facts strong measure will be proposed with regard to seem to be, we are told, with a doubtful inquiring Spain. Is it a declaration of war 7 then why I look, as if listening for danger, that we are obshould he oppose this recognition? Is it a propo- served by Europe, and that we should not excite sition to take possession of Florida 3 Why in their jealousy or distrust, as if the justice of nathat case should he oppose it 7 rather ought it to tions was the result of fear; I know, too, there are be a cogent reason for adopting this measure. o excellent men whose feelings are enlisted e

Yet, inadequate as Spain is, to a task so unequal

for these brave patriots, struggling against a Pow

as that of reducing a Government fully organized er which still annoys them, who pause in their since their revolution, and exercising the rights decision because this Hydra Europe is constantl of sovereignty for years, building fleets, raising | presented to their view. Sir, it will be a blac and equipping armies, and marching them to dis- and sorrowful day to this Republic, when this tant provinces to finish there a work which them-| imaginary course of Europe is to be held over

selves had consummated—notwithstanding these strong and decided proofs of independence, exhibited in the fullest powers of government, unmolested by hostile troops within their territory, still we hear of Europe; as if, to measure justice, we should consult the frowns or smiles of another continent 1 From some cause or other, lively apprehensions have arisen in the mind of the honorable chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, (Mr. Lowndes,) that an acknowledgment of this kind might involve us in national difficulties, Can he, of all others, who is so well acquainted with laws of nations, hint this result of an acknowledgment, admitted by all the writers on that law, to be no cause of war 7 Whilst I would, with the most scrupulous care and exactness, avoid what might endanger the tranquillity of my country, I would likewise avoid whatever might give a pang to this budding Republic; and if to pursue the right, and administer strict impartiality and justice, cannot secure to this nation her amicable relations undisturbed, it would be madness or folly in the extreme, to believe any course free from the dangerous tempests which as often arise from mistaken policy as conflicting interests. I am sorry that gentleman (Mr. Lowndes) has insinuated that the proposed measures was in hostility to the Executive; it is to be lamented that any such opinion should have escaped him; from his usual benevolence it was not expected, and if anything has been contemplated of that kind, he might have spared those who advocate the measure from honest convictions. But against any such motive for myself I utterly protest, nor do I believe any such motive to have actuated the honorable mover of the proposition. I have been impelled by the convictions of my own mind, and, whilst ever I have the honor of a seat in this House, such only will governme.

its deliberation like a lash of scorpions to goad it on to anything or stop it in its course. Can that alarm the nations of Europe which is bottomed upon the law of nations, since they have been so lately engaged in apportioning that plundered continent, without consulting our jealousies or our fears? For my own part I cannot imagine such fears—radically inimical as I am to an interest which of late had nearly involved us in ruinous difficulties; I have too high an opinion of the quick sagacity of the British cabinet, not to believe they would discern their own unequivocal interest in doing this act of justice. The fears of Europe | What can the petty States of Italy fear from our acknowledging the independence of the Republic of La Plata? hese wretched Governments, enveloped in the legitimate fogs of Europe, are unseen in the scale of nations. What can Russia fear? Surely none can be so politically bewildered, as to believe she can fear anything; she has her views nearer home; with a boundless extent of territory, comprising one-twenty-eighth part of the whose surface of this huge o population so vast as to overturn, like a resistless torrent, everything which opposes it; still anxious to extend her do: minions to the South, and, acquire territory on the Mediterranean; she will before long give emloyment to her neighbor there, and it were well or the Powers of Europe to look to their own safety in time. Could England view a measure of this kind with jealousy or suspicion, when at this very instant efforts are making throughout Europe, not loud, but deep and dangerous, to exclude from their markets every species of her manufactures? Witness the conduct of France Holland, Sweden, Russia, and other Powers as it regards the cotton, manufactures. Witness the large private associations in these countries binding themselves by the solemn obligation of an oath, to use their every effort to exclude from

in this a of giving offence, and this zeal to

their country the use of British fabrics of every

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description. This, sir, is a continental system more terrible to England, or soon will be, than all the colossal power of the Great Napoleon, enforcing the same object. Is it not rather her true interest to support this infant Power, even with arms, where she will find a tenfold market for her merchandise, unrivalled, and increasing perhaps for one hundred years? These then are the only Powers which have any concern in these events. The rest of Europe is a mere mockery upon the independence of nations. Germany and Sweden, with her Bernadotte, anything Russia pleases, and Prussia almost an appendage—Holland and Portugal at the disposal of England; and Spain, reposing in the embroidered arms of the adored Ferdinand, dissolving by a political hectic, unpitied by the world; and France, lately the gaze of admiring millions, guided by the overwhelming genius of her Emperor, is now little else than the great garrison of Europe, with a pageant King in splendid misery in the midst of it. But Russia, true to her own interest, has not been inattentive to the great events which have been evolving themselves in South America; her attempt to acquire territory on the Gulf of California, and even, if the news be true, upon our very borders, is a proof of this; she is willing to acquire territory by every change, and every event, for territory has been the hereditary mania of her monarchs. Unwilling to commence hostilities at all times, disappointment only results in new efforts on new objects, at distant and different points, which must eventuate, if permitted by the Powers of Europe silently to progress, in her controlling the commerce of the world. England, actuated by different motives, has approved, by her conduct, and fostered those brilliant successes, by which the patriots of South America have raised to fame a column of glory so bright, as to shed a blaze of renown over half the world, and has embalmed forever the name of her heroes. What have we done 2 The honorable chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs (Mr. Fonsyth) tells us that the po captured a vessel belonging to a citizen of the United States, and refused others employment in their service; that the only sympathy felt is felt by us; that the sympathy is all on our side. Then, sir, I must say they are languid indeed! for instead of those vivid sympathies which should have watered with our tears the rosy bed of immortality, on which sleep many of the heroic defenders of that Republic, we passed an act, like an one-eyed warder upon the watchtower, who sees only on one side, and calls out “allis well,” whilst danger and ruin nearly approaches on the other. Sir, if our apprehensions prevent us from doing them justice, let them not induce us to do injustice; }. us not impede their high destinies by a law which operates unequally, since that wonderful wisdom which willed the destiny of empires hath willed it so, for the happiness of America and the safety of Europe; else if Spain, a few little years ago, had seen on her throne a monarch such as

he who now sways the ponderous sceptre of Russia-a man whose talents and sagacity were equal to the population, the wealth, and the extent of her dominions—the crash of falling thrones would have resounded throughout Europe, and their legitimacy, instead of a protocol, would have been thundered from her cannon's mouth. If, Mr. Chairman, the United States shall turn from this question, other nations will not; England more generous than we, will do them justice, an reap the fruits of their grateful benedictions. These colonies, for a long time settled for the purposes of commerce, had no political existence, or any part in the great agitations of the world— too distant from the mother country to feel anything of national prejudices or predilections, they have become a new people, under the influence of a different climate, where the productions, the scenery, the physical conformation of the country, and even the very sky and the stars of heaven are so different, that nothing of the Spaniard is left but the name, and that now no more. In vain has the fond remembrance of their forefathers endeavored to cherish the recollections of their youth, by giving to the hills, the valleys, the rivers, and mountains, of their adopted country, the names of the places of their childhood. These names no longer produce a forceful feeling; the heart has ceased to vibrate at the sound; the meaning unknown to the present generation. Under this different climate, new habits, new wants have been generated, national remembrances have been obliterated; all is new, all is changed. Heretofore the young American, accustomed to hear his country contemned and despised, had no incentive to action. He had been told that in America all was degeneracy, all was savage, barbarous ignorance; and grave philosophers and naturalists have written books to prove the fact. Notwithstanding, he was prohibited from going to the mother country to enlighten his mind by an education, and by their inexorable laws fore bidden to go even from one province to another. Thus, like a vegetable fastened to the soil, was he doomed to live, to die, and disappear forever, not even leaving a trace of his ever having existed. Unable to govern himself, all officers of Government, of every rank and condition, have been sent him from Europe, to administer justice to him in his peaceable repose; but, sir, at the very sight of those officers they turned pale, and trembled at the sound of Spanish justice. Thus have they lingered on, a listless life of acquiescence and patient resignation, for three hundred years, until this bright beam of liberty broke though the dark cloud of royalty which had nearly overshadowed them forever; but which, I trust, will light them to peace and to happiness as it has to independence. If there are any doubts about their independence, from the circumstance of a part of Chili being still occupied by the royal forces, and a force of native Americans under Artigas opposed to the Republic, as stated by the gentleman from Georgia, let those doubts be dissipated when it is

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remembered, that, late in our own Revolutionary war, when the chances in the minds of many good men nearly poised between independence and subjugation, the celebrated battle of King's Mountain was fought between Whigs and Tories—a battle which has crowned the names of Campbell and of Shelby with immortal glory— a battle which measurably decided the sate of this Republic—nor let us longer doubt, when we reflect, that, by nature, every man in America is a General for enterprises like these. American wiles and stratagems, quick advance, attack, and fight, insure success; the slow and expensive formalities of European warfare, defeat. These unfortunate people, sunk in despotism, have borne the contumely of all nations for their Spanish gravity, jealousy, and suspicion; but had even this been examined with indulgent kindness, it would have been found to be the mark which distinguished the slave of every country. This national gloom stamps itself upon the face of every Spaniard as soon as he is capable, from his own reflections, to distinguish that the tyranny of his Government, haunted continually by the phantoms of the imagination, has environed him with racks, and tortures, and the inquisition, where a living death of sufferance awaits more terrible than all. He dare not speak—he knows not but that every one who hears him is a spy upon his conduct-silence is his only too. liberty, his property, at the disposal of any clandestine informer—his life, his reputation, his honor, at the disposal of an implacable priest, who knows no mercy or forgiveness. Well might they exclaim, with a rapturous fervor, Oh! for a revoluiosi were celestial happiness compared with this If, in the commencement of this conflict, many bloody and revengeful acts have been committed, the noble spirits who direct the revolution cannot be implicated, or their cause condemned, nor ought it in justice to be used as an argument against them. The horrors of our own Revolution afford us proof of this, where the father and the son have been armed against each other— where cold-blooded murders have been perpetrated, butcheries and indiscriminate massacres of men, women, and children, because they were Whigs, or because they were Tories. These things, it is true, happened only in certain sections of the country, but they did take place; we have heard but little of them; the English historians seem disposed to cast a veil over them, and the American at this time is not disposed to tear it aside; then, in such a state of things, can we wonder if, in the fury of contending armies, these generous patriots should have left unpunished crimes, which, in other times, their gentler natures would have wept at with tears of the bitterest sorrow? These things should not be attributed to them, but to their true source. Attribute them to that frenzied Power which sees nothing but the bloody dagger before it, and drives the most unresisting temper to madness and depair. The South Americans are now free, and long may the blessings of a republic attend them; for I am

happy in being one of those who believe the liberties of a republic can be enjoyed by a Spaniard, or by anybody; the enjoyment of freedom is not peculiar to any nation; all will admit that the Greeks once had it; the Romans, the Dutch, and many others, as dissimilar in their national characters as the English and the French. Consult the annals of the world, and I believe it will be found, that, wherever men are capable of making an effort to obtain their freedom, they are capable of enjoying it. Then why not have the benevolence to i. these brave patriots at least a capacity for freedom, since they have given so strong a proof of it as to establish their Government through revolution, and maintain it in war 7 If, Mr. Chairman, the law of nations is to be regarded by a just people; if the political whirlwinds which, for some time back, so desolated the civilized world, has left them anything but a wreck, or the hopeless resort of the weak and the impotent, I would say, that, whenever a contest became doubtful between contending Powers, without any regard whatever to the manner, cause, or origin of that contest, the world at large has a right to consider them equal, and even decide between them, if necessary, and is bound to extend to the one all the other had a right to expect. The case of James, II, King of England, is a clear illustration of this position, and is acknowledged by all the writers on the law of nations as correct; and if a case more strong were necessary, as being a parallel in all respects to the present, I would cite that of the revolt of the Low Countries against Philip II, King of Spain, of “exterminating” memory, already spoken of by others, but with different impressions. Their independence, they declared, was acknowledged by Elizabeth, Queen of England, the wisdom, moderation, and justice, of whose government, is celebrated and acknowledged by all, even at this distant day, and places her among the most illustrious monarchs of the world. Philip remonstrated; her answer was— the law of nations gave her, the right, and her interest prompted her to acknowledge their independence. Philip was content; nor did he even require his Ambassador to leave London. And is not England now precisely situated as she was then—the same necessity, nay, stronger inducements of interest ? And will the present monarch, instructed by history, be less wise 2 An honorable gentleman from Maryland (Mr. SMITH) has told us that the trade of the United States would receive no benefit from that country. He has told us that the article of wheat has been brought from Chili round to Brazil, or the West Indies, and sold at a lower rate than it could be taken from the United States. I would ask what the price of wheat has to do with the acknowledgment of the independence of those Republics? The inquiry has, too, been made with an air of triumph, what the United States would gain by an acknowledgment of this kind 7 I will not retort the question by asking what we could possibly lose by the acknowledgment; but I would ask, if it is a thing they, by the law of

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nations, have a right to give, without doing injustice to Spain, or any Power whatever, why not grant the request ? But, sir, I contend that the United States would gain, and gain essentially, too. Certainly nothing could be more desirable to this nation, so full of enterprise, than a free and direct trade to these countries, the most luxuriant and extensive in the world; so rich in everything we want, and containing such inexhaustible abundance of the precious metals, and needing many things we have to spare. There is the strongest probability that our exports, instead of sixty or seventy millions, would be increased very many millions, and would be much benefited, were it only from the advantages of our contiguous situation. Nor can I perceive the force of the remarks of the honorable member srom South Carolina, (Mr. Lowndes,) luminous as he is on all subjects, when he tells us that injury will result to us, as our trade to that country, when compared with the trade of Great Britain to the same place, is, according to the little book from Philadelphia, in the ratio of one hundred thousand to seven miilions. Surely, if we cannot receive all or most of the benefit, it cannot be a reason why we should not receive some benefit. But the grand object and advantage would be in systematizing a policy for America; that we might be disenthralled—that we might not feel the effects of that political plexus which has so entangled the nations of Europe, by producing those intimate connexions and combinations by which the movements and operations of one Power are so felt by all, as to influence their councils, and produce corresponding motions. When now we negotiate, it is in Europe; when we are inconvenienced here, we send off an Ambassador there; they are governed by the principles and policy of continental Europe, and not by anything here. Do difficulties arise in Canada, they are adjusted in London. Do the same difficulties arise in Mexico, the province of Texas, or in Florida, it is settled in Madrid. Thus are we compelled to negotiate all our affairs upon the basis of European policy, because even the best interests of the colonists must give way to the policy of the mother country. But when the independence of the South Americans shall be acknowledged, and they take their stand among the great nations of the earth, there will then be an American policy, and an European policy, which may, in negotiation upon just and honorable principles, be fairly opposed to each other. Nor does it militate against this position, whether, in the end, these governments shall be imperial or royal, instead of republican, which they now are. The great interests of America will be the same; and if, unhappily, difficulties should arise exclusively on this side the ocean, there will be no European convenience to consult, delay, or obstruct their adjustment in terms of complete reciprocity. To acknowledge, now the independence of South America, while the United States is writhing under a thousand wounds, each a sufficient

cause of war, is the strongest proof of this nation's aversion to that state of things; and Spain cannot otherwise than receive it as a new proof, on the part of the United States, of their love of peace, and friendly dispositions towards His Catholic Majesty, when they will do justice to others promptly, and seek it for themselves, through years of patient negotiation. I will not now revive the long train of injuries and injustice of Spain, inflicted upon us even from the Treaty of November, 1782, with Great Britain. I will not recall to the recollection of this House, that, a very few days ago, we were o: on this floor, with †. earnest solicitude, the Georgia claims; I will not remind them that it was expenditures Georgia was compelled to make to secure her inhabitants from the tomahawk of the ruthless savages, invading her :*::: and delighting in blood; I will not remind them that they were instigated to this by the infamous conduct of the still more infamous Baron de Carondelet, the then Spanish Governor at New Orleans; I will not inform them that she seized upon the territory of Georgia as high up as the thirty-second degree of latitude, and built forts on the Mississippi above that latitude, at the Walnut Hills. I will not remind the House that Georgia was a part of the United States, as acknowledged by Great Britain and Spain, an ally, or, at all events, as it regarded Spain, we stood, $. ad hoc, as Great Britain had done, and the reaty of Peace compelled each of these Powers to surrender to each other all the territory taken during the war, except such as was specifically named in their treaty. I will not revive the remembrance of the many imperious, haughty, and insolent communications made to our Government previous to the Treaty of 1795. No, I will not mention these things; let them pass in silence, or as “a tale of the times of old;” but this I will say, and had I the power, the undulation should reach the shores of Spain, and echo on the Throne; that the deposite at New Orleans was taken from us without assigning us another place as such, in violation of the existing treaty. That the firing into the Firebrand, a national ship, was a violation of existing treaties. That the incarceration of Richard §y. Meade, contrary to the laws of Spain, was a violation of existing treaties. That the confinement of Farro in the mines of Mexico for near nineteen years, was a violation of the existing treaty. That the confinement of Baird and McKnight, since the year 1811 or 1812, contrary to the laws of Spain, was a violation of existing treaties. That the capture of Choteau and Demun, far within the limits of the United States, and their subsequent confinement in the prisons of Santa Fe, was a violation of the existing treaty. , That her permitting the British to land in her territory in Florida, during the late war, to arrange and plan invasions of the United States, was a violation of the existing treaty. . That her permitting, at this very instant, the Indians, within her territory, to make war upon us, is a violation of existing treaties. That the letters of the Spanish

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