H. OF R. Spanish American Provinces. MARCH, 1819. sight! Mr. C. said, he hoped the gentleman from South Carolina, who was so capable of estimating the effect of moral causes, would see some use in recognising the independence of La Plata. He appealed to the powerful effect of moral causes, manifested in the case of the French Revolution, when, by their influence, that nation swept from about her the armies of the combined Powers by which she was environed, and rose up the colossal Power of Europe. There was an example of the effect of moral power. All the patriots asked, all they wanted at our hands, was to be recognised as, what they had been for the last eight years, an independent Power. see no use in recognising this Republic? For what did the Republic fight? To be admitted into the family of nations. Tell the nations of the world, says Pueyrredon in his speech, that we already belong to their illustrious rank. What would be the powerful consequences of a recognition of their claim? I ask my honorable friend before me, (Mr. BLOOMFIELD,) the high sanction of whose judgment in favor of my proposition I fondly anticipate, with what anxious solicitude, during our Revolution, he and his glorious compatriots turned their eyes to Europe, and asked to be recognised. I ask him, the patriot of '76, how the heart_rebounded with joy, on the information that France had recognised us! "The But, it seems, said Mr. C., we dare not do this, moral influence of such a recognition on the lest we tread on sacred ground; and an honorable patriot of the South will be irresistible. He will gentleman from Virginia (Mr. SMYTH) who, derive assurance from it of his not having fought when he has been a little longer in this House, in vain. In the constitution of our natures, there will learn to respect its powers, calls it an usuris a point, to which adversity may pursue us,pation on the part of this House. Has the genwithout perhaps any worse effect than that of tleman weighed the terms which he employed? exciting new energy to meet it. Having reached If I mistake not, the gentleman, in the debate that point, if no gleam of comfort breaks through respecting the power to make internal improvethe gloom, we sink beneath the pressure, yielding ments, called that too an usurpation on the part reluctantly to our fate, and in hopeless despair of this House. That power, too, however, he losing all stimulus to exertion. And, Mr. C. admitted to belong to the Executive, and traced asked, was there not reason to fear such a fate to it to an imperial source, informing us that Cæsar, the patriots of La Plata? Already enjoying in- or somebody else, had exercised it. Sir, the gendependence for eight years, their Ministers were tleman has mistaken his position here; he is a yet spurned from the Courts of Europe, and re- military chieftain and an admirable defender of jected by the Government of a sister Republic Executive authority, but he has yet to learn his Contrast this conduct of ours, said Mr. C. with horn-book as to the powers of this branch of the our conduct in other respects. No matter whence Legislature. Usurpation, Mr. C. said, is arrogatthe Minister comes, be it from a despotic Power, ing to yourself authority which is vested elsewe receive him; and even now, the gentleman where. But what was it that he proposed, to from Maryland (Mr. SMITH) would have us send which this term had been appled? To approa Minister to Constantinople, to beg passage priate money to pay a foreign Minister his outfit through the Dardandelles to the Black Sea, that, and a year's salary. If that be an usurpation, I suppose, we might get some hemp and bread- said he, we have been usurping power from the stuffs there, of which we ourselves produce none commencement of the Government to the present he who can see no advantage to the country time. The chairman of the Committee of Ways from opening to its commerce the nameless re- and Means has never reported an appropriation sources of South America, would send a Minister bill without some instance of this usurpation. begging to Constantinople for a little trade! Nay, I have seen a project in the newspapers, and I should not be surprised, after what we have already seen, at its being carried into effect, for sending a Minister to the Porte. Yes, sir, from Constantinople or from the Brazils; from Turk or Christian; from black or white; from the Dey of Algiers or the Bey of Tunis-from the Devil himself, if he wore a crown, we should receive a Minister. We even paid the expenses of the Minister of his Sublime Highness the Bey of Tunis, and thought ourselves highly honored by his visit. But, let the Minister come from a poor Republic, like that of La Plata, and we turn our back on him., No, sir, we will not receive him. The brilliant costumes of the Ministers of the Royal Governments are seen glistening in the circles of our drawing rooms, and their splendid equipages rolling through the avenues of the Metropolis; but the unaccredited Minister of the Republic, if he visit our President or Secretary of State at all, must do it incog., lest the eye of Don Onis should be offended by so unseemly a There are three modes under our Constitution, in which a nation may be recognised: by the Executive receiving a Minister; secondly, by its sending one thither; and, thirdly, this House unquestionably has the right to recognise, in the exercise of the Constitutional power of Congress to regulate foreign commerce. To receive a Minister from a foreign Power is an admission that the party sending him is sovereign and independent. So the sending a Minister, as Ministers are never sent but to sovereign Powers, is a recognition of the independence of the Power to whom the Minister is sent. Now, the honorable gentleman from South Carolina would have preferred the expression of our opinion by a resolution, independent of the appropriation bill. If the gentleman would vote for it in that shape, I would really gratify him; all that I want to do is to convey to the President an expression of our willingness, that the Government of Buenos Ayres should be recognised. Whether it shall be done by receiving a Minister or sending one, is quite immaterial. It is urged that there might MARCH, 1818. Spanish American Provinces. H. OF R. all those particulars we were deprived of information in the case of the recent intelligence in the Baltimore papers, as extracted from private letters. But, said Mr. C. we are charged, on the present occasion, with treading on sacred ground. Let me suppose, what I do not believe would be the case, that the President had expressed an opinion one way, and we another. At so early a period of our Government, because a particular in be an impropriety in sending a Minister, not being certain, after what has passed, that he would be received; but, Mr. C., said, that was one of the questions submitted to the discretion of the Executive, which he would determine, upon a view of all the circumstances, and who of course would previously have an understanding that our Minister would be duly respected. If gentlemen desired to know what a Minister from us was to do, Mr. C. said he would have him congratulate the Republic on the establishment of free govern-dividual fills the Presidential Chair-an individment and on their liberation from the ancient dynasty of Spain; assure it of the interest we feel in its welfare, and of our readiness to concur in any arrangements which might be advantageous to our mutual interest Have we not, asked Mr. C., a Minister at the Brazils, a nation lying alongside of the provinces of La Plata, and considering the number of slaves in it, by no means so formidable as the latter, and about equi-distant from us. In reference to the strength of the two Powers, that of La Plata is much the strongest, and the Government of Brazil, trembling under the apprehension of the effect of the arms of LaPlata, has gone farther than any other Power to recognise its independence, having entered into a military convention with the Republic, by which each power guaranties the possession of the other. And we have exchanged Ministers with the Brazils. The one, however, is a Kingdom; the other a Republic; and if any gentleman could assign any better reason why a Minister should be sent to one and not to the other of these Powers, he should be glad to hear it disclosed, for he had not been able himself to discover it. ual whom I highly respect; more perhaps than incontestable right to recognise a foreign nation, in the exercise of its power to regulate commerce with foreign nations. Suppose, for example, we passed an act to regulate trade between the United States and Buenos Ayres ; the existence of the nation would be thereby recognised as we could not regulate trade with a nation which does not exist. A gentleman had yesterday told the House that the news from Buenos Ayres was unfavorable. Take it all together, Mr. C. said, he believed it was not. But, he said, he put but little trust into those who have taken it. We wish to extend such accounts. In our Revolution, incredulity of his influence and give him patronage; to give reports and newspaper stories, propagated by the him means, as he has now the power, to send anenemy, had been so strengthened by experience, other Minister abroad. But, apart from this that at last nothing was believed which was not view of the question, as regarded the Execattested by the signature of" Charles Thompson."utive power, this House, Mr. C. said, had the Mr. C. said he was somewhat similarly situated; he could not believe these reports-he wished to see "Charles Thompson" before he gave full credit to them. The vessel which had arrived at Baltimore, and which, by the way, by its valuable cargo of specie, hides, and tallow, gave evidence of a commerce worth pursuing-brought some rumor of a difference between Artigas and the authorities of Buenos Ayres. With respect to the Banda Oriental, which was said to be occupied by Artigas, Mr. C. said it constituted but a very subordinate part of the territory of the United Provinces of La Plata; and it could be no more objection to recognising the nation because that province was not included within its power, than it could have been to our recognition, because several States held out against the adoption of the Constitution. Mr. C. repeated that before he attached any confidence to a letter not signed "Charles Thompson," he must know who the man is who writes it; what are his sources of information, his character for veracity, &c., and of The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. SMITH) and the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. SMYTH,) the great champion of Executive power, and the opponent of legislative authority, had contended that recognition would be cause of war. Mr. C. said these gentlemen were reduced to this dilemma: If it was cause of war, the Executive ought not to have the right to produce a war upon the country without consulting Congress. If it was no cause of war, it is an act which there was no danger in performing. There would be very little difference in principle between vesting the Executive with the power of declaring war, or with the power of necessarily leading the coun try into war, without consulting the authority to whom the power of making war is confided. But Mr. C. denied that it was cause of war; but, if it were, the sense of Congress ought certainly in some way or other to be taken on it, before that step was taken. He knew, he said, that some of the most distinguished statesmen in the country had taken the view of this subject, that the power to recognise the independence of any nation did not belong to the President; that it was a power too momentous and consequential in its character to belong to the Executive. His own opinion, Mr. C. confessed, was different, believing the power to belong to either the President or Congress, and that it might, as most convenient, be exercised by either. If aid was to be given, to afford which would be cause of war, however, Congress alone could give it. MARCH, 1818. divided into jealous castes, and a vast proportion of Indians; to which adding the great influence of the clergy, and it would be seen how widely different the circumstances of Spanish America were from those under which the Revolution in this country was brought to a successful termination. He had already shown how deep-rooted was the spirit of liberty in that country. He instanced the little island of Margarita, against which the whole force of Spain had been in vain directed, containing a population of only 16,000 souls; but where every man, woman, and child, was a Grecian soldier in defence of freedom. For many years the spirit of freedom had, been struggling in Venezuela, and Spain had been unable to conquer it. Morillo, in an official despatch transmitted to the Minister of Marine of his own country, avows that Angosturo and all Guiana This House, then, Mr. C. said, had the power are in possession of the patriots, as well as all the to act on this subject, even though the President country from which supplies could be drawn. had expressed his opinion; which he had not fur- According to the latest accounts, Bolivar and ther than, as appeared by the report of the Secre- other patriot commanders were concentrating tary of State, to decide that, in January last, it their forces, and were within one day's march of would not be proper to recognise them. But, Morillo; and if they did not forsake the Fabian Mr. C. said, the President stood pledged to recog- policy, which was the true course for them, the nise the Republic, if, on the return of the Com- result would be, that even the weakness of the missioners, whom he has deputed, they should whole of the provinces of Spanish America would make report favorable to the stability of the Gov-establish its independence, and secure the enjoy ernment. Those Commissioners sailed in December last, and might be expected to return in three or four months from this time. When they Mr. POINDEXTER, of Mississippi, claimed the returned, then, Congress would not be in session. indulgence of the Committee for that portion of The President thus standing pledged, said Mr. C., their time which he felt it incumbent on him to I ask if we, who are disposed to invest him with occupy, in presenting to their consideration the the means of recognising that independence-of views which he had taken of the motion submitredeeming his pledge-are not the true friends of ted by the honorable member from Kentucky, the Executive, and whether the opponents of this (Mr. CLAY.) Sir, said he, the liberty of the humotion do not act as though they were not his man species, in every quarter of the globe, is a friends? Suppose the chairman of the Commit- theme, than which none can be more dear to the tee of Foreign Relations had reported a provision heart of the patriot and philanthropist; it was for an appropriation of the description which I one on which he delighted to dwell, either in the propose, said Mr. C., should we not all have voted tumultuous agitation of the legislative hall, or in for it? And could any gentleman be so pliant, the silent shades of retirement, where the mind as, on the mere ground of an Executive recom-envelopes the vast scope of the universe, and conmendation, to vote an appropriation without exercising his own faculties on the question; and yet, when there is no such suggestion, will not even so far act for himself as to determine whether a Republic is so independent that we may fairly take the step of recognition of it? He hoped that no such such submission to the Executive pleasure would characterize this House. ment of those rights and blessings which rightfully belong to it. templates man in the various and diversified situations and circumstances in which he has been placed by his Creator, for the fulfilment of the wise and inscrutable purposes of an overruling Prov. idence. In casting his eye over the great events of the present day, Mr. P. said, the struggle which exists in Spanish America to break the fetters which have so long chained them to the car of One more remark, and Mr. C. said he had done. an European despot, arrested his attention with One gentleman had told the House that the pop- irresistible attractions, and exhibited a grand and ulation of the Spanish provinces was eighteen interesting scene on which he could not look millions; that we, with a population of two mil- without the strongest solicitude for their ultimate lions only, had conquered our independence; and success- a solicitude which might sometimes that, if the southern provinces willed it, they must carry him even beyond the bounds which prube free. This population, Mr. C. said, he had al-dence would prescribe, to accelerate an epoch so ready stated, consisted of distinct nations, having but little, if any intercourse, the largest of which was Mexico; and they were so separated by immense distances that it was impossible there should be any co-operation between them. Besides, they have difficulties to encounter which we had not. They have a noblesse; they are auspicious in the history of the New World, and so honorable to the establishment of human rights on a secure and solid foundation. He yielded to none in his attachment to the cause of freedom; and the honorable Speaker, who had with so much eloquence and force portrayed the condition of the Spanish colonies, and the sufferings of MARCH, 1818. Spanish American Provinces. H. OF R. their oppressed inhabitants, "seeking through provinces of the Rio de la Plata. Of all the posblood and slaughter their long lost liberty," could sessions of Spain on the continent of South not carry his sympathies in their behalf further America, engaged in hostilities with the parent than he did. He had listened to that honorable country, we are least interested in forming a congentleman with unfeigned pleasure, and appre-nexion with the district to which we are invited, ciated the lofty and magnanimous motives by by the proposed amendment, to send an accredited which he was actuated; and it was to him a Minister. The distance by which we are sepasource of regret, that a sense of the duty which rated from that country, and the wide extent of he owed to his constituents, to himself, and to his ocean which divides us, of difficult and perilous country, impelled him to give a vote in opposi- navigation, constitute insuperable barriers to a tion to the motion on the table. He entreated speedy and profitable intercourse, founded on the gentlemen to return from the wanderings into wants of the respective countries. Their purwhich they had been led by the wide and diffuse suits are agricultural, so are ours; many of the debate to which this subject had given rise, and articles which we export to foreign markets, they locate themselves on the isolated proposition on will, in a very short time, likewise export, and which we are required to deliberate and decide. become rivals instead of customers in the great The question is not whether the people, contend- staple commodities of the United States. It is ing against the power of the Spanish monarch true that they remit annually a large amount of for their emancipation from the unnatural and the precious metals; these we want, and to obcruel bondage to which they have been subjected tain them every facility ought to be afforded; for centuries past, are entitled to the independence but to obtain them something must be given in to which they aspire; nor whether it is our pol- exchange. What shall we offer them in return icy, at this time, to render them assistance, by for their gold and silver? Not breadstuffs-for a participation in the conflict; but we are asked they are supplied at home. Shall we send them simply to make an appropriation of $18,000, our cotton, tobacco, sugars? No, sir; their cli"for one year's salary and an outfit to a Minister mate and soil are admirably adapted to the culti to the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata vation of all these articles. Shall we find a mar-the salary to commence, and the outfit to be ket in that distant region, for our manufactures, • paid, whenever the President shall deem it expe- which seem to be the sheet-anchor of our safety, 'dient to send a Minister to said United Pro- if we are to judge from the solicitude manifested 'vinces." Is it expedient, under existing circum-to extend to them the national patronage? Alas! stances, to adopt a measure of this character, with a view to the recognition of the independence of these provinces? And if so, does it fall within the range of the Constitutional powers of the House of Representatives? He proposed to examine these points distinct from the multiplied topics which had been, in his opinion, improperly introduced into the discussion, and which shed no light on the question before the Committee. they are drooping on our own soil. Protecting duties, amounting, in some instances, to the exclusion of foreign fabrics from our market, are found to be essentially necessary to force the sale of these manufactures on our own people. Can we, then, entertain the most distant hope that they will venture to seek that competition abroad, which they so carefully and sedulously avoid at home? Such a hope cannot for a moHe would not stop to investigate the commer- ment be tolerated. Sir, we have nothing in cial advantages which might result to this coun- which a direct trade to South America can be try from the establishment of independent gov-prosecuted with a reasonable prospect of profit. ernments in the Spanish South American colo- England alone will reap the rich harvest of those nies; because the right of a new Power to be re- valuable markets, by means of her manufactures, ceived into the great family of nations is not which she can furnish of a superior quality and dependent on calculations of dollars and cents, at more reduced prices than any other country. nor on its relative intercourse with the rest of We may, perhaps, become the humble carriers, the world; but it rests on the basis of historical and in that way find employment for our shipfacts, and the known ability of the people to gov-ping; but the delusive schemes of commercial ern themselves in their own way, uncontrolled by the Sovereign, from whose authority they have been rescued by their valor and patriotism. The existence of such a renovation in the political condition of a community, once satisfactorily manifested, and without further inquiry, he was prepared to accord to them the immunities incident to sovereignty, leaving commerce to seek its level in the regular and natural progress of events; but if temptations of gain, by an interchange of commodities, are considerations which ought, in any manner, to guide us on an occasion like the present, it had been sufficiently shown, in the course of the debate, by an honorable gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. SMITH,) that we had but little to hope from that source, in relation to the monopoly, with which we have been so eloquently amused, will very soon vanish, "like the baseless fabric of a vision ;" and with them, all the beneficial consequences which we had so fondly anticipated. In reference to the great agricultural interest of the country, Mr. P. saw no inducement which ought to precipitate us into a measure of doubtful policy, in aid of the revolutionary colonies. We have extensive and fertile territories, yet to populate, capable of yielding the richest productions of the earth. Let us dispose of these, and, as far as practicable, condense the physical strength of the Republic. The hand of industry is nerved by the ravenous demand, which exists in every part of Europe, for the raw materials H. OF R. Spanish American Provinces. MARCH, 1818. with which we annually supply them. The la- right to take this step, it ought likewise to appear borer is rewarded beyond the example of any from unequivocal official testimony, that these former period. Mr. P. asked, if a state of pros- provinces are ipso facto independent, and in the perity and tranquillity, like that we now enjoy, face of the world stand absolved from their alleought to be jeopardized in the pursuit of objects, giance to the Spanish monarch. Is this the conwhich, so far as they favored the cause of per-dition of the people of the United Provinces of sonal liberty, came in collision with the best in- the Rio de la Plata ? terests of the United States. Suppose, sir, the What, Mr. Chairman, is the nature and extent fine provinces of Mexico in our immediate neigh- of the evidence on which we are to pronounce borhood are opened to the plough, and the inhabi- this fact, and pledge the national responsibility tants engage in the active pursuits of agriculture, for its existence? Newspaper publications, exunrestrained by the arbitrary hand of power, by tracts of letters, bulletins of the Commander-inwhich their energies have been so long para- Chief of the Revolutionary forces, and the meslyzed, what would the effect of that happy change sage of Pueyrredon, who styles himself the suin their condition be on the productions of our preme director of the Republic of La Plata ! own country? A competition in the important And, sir, those scraps are ingeniously arranged, staples of cotton, sugar, tobacco, and flour, which, and gravely offered, as the foundation of a measby increasing the quantity for exportation to Eu-ure involving the consistency, the honor, and perropean markets, would necessarily diminish their haps the peace of the nation. Mr. P. protested value, and, in the same proportion, depress that against this premature and unauthorized proceedbranch of labor which is the only solid basis of ing. The introduction of a new sovereign among national and individual wealth. These results the nations of the earth is a measure of no ordiwill unavoidably flow from the success of the nary character; it has ever been adopted with revolutionary struggle in Spanish America. Mr. great caution and circumspection; and it would P. wished not to be understood as urging these be folly and madness in this Government to volconsiderations in opposition to the just claim unteer in so hazardous an enterprise, without a which the oppressed, in all countries, have to dis- full knowledge of every circumstance essential solve the political bands which bind them to to its vindication, founded on incontestable docutheir oppressors. He meant merely to removements, about which no subsequent controversy the impression which had been attempted to be made, that the people of this country were deeply interested in the issue of the conflict between Spain and her revolting colonies. He could perceive no pecuniary advantages, either commercial or agricultural, which we should derive from the overthrow of the Spanish authorities in Mexico, New Grenada, Chili, or the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata, or in any other part of her South American possessions. But he did not rest his argument on calculations of profit and loss; he wished the patriots every success in their noble effort to erect for themselves independent governments; he believed they must ultimately triumph over the imbecile monarch who now so ingloriously, and so infamously wields the destinies of Spain. The question then recurs, will the amendment offered by the honorable Speaker, if adopted, give strength to the patriot cause? He humbly conceived not, and expressed his decided opinion, that it would be productive of consequences injurious to those for whose benefit it was introduced. He conceded the doctrine maintained by the honorable mover, that we have an undeniable right, if these districts, or colonies, have actually succeeded in establishing their independence, to acknowledge the fact, and to treat them with that respect due to the rank which they may have acquired. Such an act would not, in itself, be just cause of war to Spain, or any other Power; because, if we, in other respects, maintain a strict neutrality, the mere recognition of an existing fact in relation to the belligerent parties, would neither weaken or invigorate either of them; it would be entirely harmless and innocent. But it is not enough to show, that we possess the abstract can arise. Let us hesitate in a case of so much delicacy, and maturely calculate the consequences before we involve the people of this country in a dilemma from which there is no retreat. Past experience will justify the declaration, that although the mere recognition of a new Power is not, according to the principles of public law, justifiable cause of war, nine times out of ten it leads to war. Sir, if you introduce a stranger into a drawing-room, or other genteel society, you identify him with yourself; you are security for his good behaviour; and if he prove a vagabond, or swindler, your own dignity and reputation sustain no inconsiderable reproach. Shall we enter into recognizance for the supreme director of La Plata, give him the right hand of fellowship, raise him into factitious consequence, and then embark in his quarrels to save ourselves from disgrace? Remember, sir, that France, during the Revolution, after much deliberation, acknowledged our independence, and concluded with us a commercial treaty. England did not wait to inquire into the motives of the French Government, nor to discuss the belligerent character of these transactions; but the signal for war was immediately hoisted, and hostilities commenced between the two nations. Are we prepared for similar results, and, if we are, what adequate inducements have we for the sacrifice, either in our own country, or the people whom we profess to serve? Our feelings are approached, and our sympathies excited, by the high sounding terms, liberty and republicanism. Our free institutions are said to be imitated, and our countrymen revered, in our sister Republic of La Plata. Would to God, Mr. Chairman, that such, in reality, were the principles and habits of these |