Mr. CLAY replied to some of Mr. MERCER's arMr. OGDEN made an unsuccessful motion to guments, and again advocated the indemnificarefer the adjudication of all these claims to the tion of the Niagara sufferers, whose claims had Third Auditor of the Treasury. been audited and investigated by Commissioners Mr. REED, of Maryland, moved to add the fol-appointed for that purpose, and against now atlowing as a new section to the bill.

APRIL, 1818.

Surviving Revolutionary Soldiers-Niagara Claims.

The House took up and proceeded to consider the bill to increase the pay of the militia, while in actual service, and for other purposes; and the same being amended, was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow.

The amendment proposed by the Senate to the bill, entitled "An act to authorize the payment of certain certificates," was read, and concurred in by the House.

The bill from the Senate, entitled "An act to make valid certain acts of the justices of the peace in the District of Columbia," was read the third time, and passed as amended.

An engrossed resolution, directing the completion of the survey of the waters of the Chesapeake Bay; for establishing naval arsenals, and for other purposes; was read the third time, and passed.

The bill for the relief of Samuel Thompson and John Daily, passed through a Committee of the Whole, and, on the question of ordering it to a third reading, it was negatived, and the bill rejected.

The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill for the relief of Benjamin Berry; and on the bill for the relief of Mary Sullivan. They were reported to the House, and ordered to be engrossed and read a third

time to-morrow.

The House went into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill to authorize payment in certain cases on account of Treasury notes which have been lost or destroyed. The bill was reported without amendment, and ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill to incorporate the Columbian Institute. The bill was reported without amendment, and ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow.

The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill from the Senate, entitled "An act to incorporate the Mechanic Relief Society of Alexandria." The bill was reported without amendment, and ordered to be read a third time

H. OF R.

to sit again on the last mentioned bill, which was refused, and the bill was ordered to lie on the table.

The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill for the relief of Jonathan Amory, junior, and the representatives of Thomas C. Amory, deceased. The bill was reported without amendment, and ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow.

The amendment to the bill for the relief of Josiah Bullock was concurred in, and it was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to

morrow.

SURVIVING OFFICERS, &c., OF THE REV

OLUTION.

Mr. HOLMES, of Massachusetts, submitted the following resolution:

President's Message as relates to military affairs, be Resolved, That the committee on so much of the instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law for rewarding such meritorious officers and soldiers of the Revolution (as well of the militia as the regular army) as may not be embraced within the provisions of the act passed at this session of Congress, to provide for certain surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary Army.

Mr. HOLMES said, when the act for the relief of the unfortunate heroes of the Revolution passed, it was apprehended by its friends that many meritorious men, both of the army and militia, would be excluded from its provisions. The bill went from this House to the Senate in rather a crude state; and it was so severely opposed and criticised there, that, when it returned here with its amendments, its friends feared to propose any alterations, lest, on a disagreement between the two Houses, the bill should be lost. It was however expected, that from applications under the act, cases would be developed which would require a supplementary act. Cases, he was told, had occurred, and others would probably occur, which would prove the necessity of providing for others who have claims on the justtice of their country for Revolutionary services. Many he said were illy paid; and many, though not reduced in their circumstances, have strong claims on the justice and gratitude of their country. He had, therefore, prepared the resolution which he had offered, and proposed to have it committed to the Committee on Military Affairs. He was not sanguine that anything could be matured this session, but he wished to call the attention of the Committee to the subject, that some Ordered, That the bill from the Senate, in next session, the provision required by the resoprogress might be made in it, and that, at the addition to the act for the relief of John Thomp-lution might be made. At that time he promised son, be read a third time to-morrow; that the to show to the House, that many not included in bill for the relief of Henry King lie on the table; the late act are entitled to their country's considand that the bill for the relief of the widow and eration. children of Jacob Graeff, deceased, be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow.

to-morrow.

The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill from the Senate, entitled "An act in addition to the act, entitled 'An act for the relief of John Thompson ;" also, on the bill for the relief of Henry King; and on the bill for the relief of the widow and children of Jacob Graeff, deceased. The bills were reported without amendment.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill for the relief of Josiah Bullock, and on the bill for the relief of James Mackey. The Committee reported the first mentioned bill with an amendment, and asked leave 15th CoN. 1st SESS.-54

The question was then taken on agreeing to the resolution, and decided in the negative. NIAGARA CLAIMS.

The House then took up the report of the Committee of the Whole on the bill to provide for the relief of the sufferers on the Niagara fron

tier, by the ravages of the enemy in the late war, the question being on concurring in the amendment adopted by the Committee on the motion of Mr. REED.

After a good deal of debate, in which Mr. RICH opposed concurring in the amendment; and Messrs. SMITH, of Maryland, and REED supported it; and after some additional remarks by Mr. SPENCER, in support of the Niagara claims, the amendment was concurred in without a division.

The bill was further amended, on motion of Mr. RICH, by excluding from the provisions thereof all articles of trade or merchandise.

The question was then taken on ordering the bill to be engrossed for a third reading, and decided in the negative-yeas 51, nays 91, as follows:

APRIL, 1818.

House will support and maintain such measures as the President may hereafter adopt, to obtain the release of the said R. W. Meade from confinement, should such measures be proper and necessary.

The resolution having been read, Mr. TRIMBLE proposed the following substitute therefor, by way of amendment:

Resolved, That the demand made by the President of the United States upon the King of Spain for the liberation of Richard W. Meade, a citizen of the United States, detained in confinement at the Castle of Santa Catalina, at Cadiz, ought to be supported and enforced, by vesting in the President an authority to make reprisal upon a Spanish Consul, in the event of a failure on the part of Spain promptly to discharge the said Meade.

Mr. TRIMBLE rose, in support of his motion, and addressed the House as follows:

If I may find favor in the sight of the House, would ask a short indulgence at their hands. know how much they are exhausted in the consideration of various complicated questions, touching our internal prosperity and exterior relations; and I am more than sensible of my utter inability to repay their attention with a fair equivalent.

YEAS-Messrs. Baldwin, Ball, Bateman, Bloomfield, Comstock, Cruger, Culbreth, Drake, Ellicott,I Garnett, Harrison, Hasbrouck, Herbert, Herkimer, Herrick, Holmes of Massachusetts, Hubbard, Irving of New York, Johnson of Kentucky, Jones, Lawyer, Little, Merrill, H. Nelson, T. M. Nelson, New, Ogden, Palmer, Peter, Pleasants, Porter, Reed, Ringgold, Robertson of Louisiana, Sampson, Savage, Schuyler, The resolution reported by the committee is, Scudder, Shaw, S. Smith, Spencer, Strother, Stuart in my opinion, unequal to the emergency of the of Maryland, Tallmadge, Taylor, Tompkins, Town-case-I would prefer a stronger measure. Had send, Trimble, Tyler, Westerlo, and Wilkin.

the vindication of this amendment fallen to the
lot of some members whom I could designate,
they would tell us a round, unvarnished tale, that
would nail us to our places-a tale that would
'rouse the slumbering dead to hear." They would
show you a captive through the gratings of his
prison window; that captive a citizen and bro-
ther, your agent and vice consul, languishing in
a foreign dungeon, unpitied and forgotten; se-
cluded from the cheerful light of day; bereft of
all the endearments of social life-the solace of
children, wife, and friends, and peaceful home-
pining and wasting away in misery and despair,
with but one solitary ray of hope," that gleams
from the star-spangled banner which waves over
the land of the free and the home of the brave."
But I have no thoughts that scald, or words that
burn, or plaintive tones of supplication, that would
wring reluctant succor and compassion from
Congress and the nation. Mine are humble pow

NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Allen of Massachusetts, Allen of Vermont, Barbour of Virginia, Barber of Ohio, Bassett, Bennett, Boden, Butler, Campbell, Clagett, Cobb, Colston, Cook, Crafts, Crawford, Darlington, Earle, Edwards, Ervin of South Carolina, Folger, Forney, Forsyth, Gage, Hale, Hall of Delaware, Hall of North Carolina, Hendricks, Hogg, Holmes of Connecticut, Hopkinson, Huntington, Johnson of Virginia, Kirtland, Linn, Livermore, Lowndes, W. Maclay, W. P. Maclay, McCoy, Marchand, Mason of Massachusetts, Mason of Rhode Island, Mercer Miller, Moore, Morton, Moseley, Mumford, Murray, Jeremiah Nelson, Ogle, Owen, Parrott, Patterson, Pawling, Pindall, Pitkin, Rhea, Rice, Rich, Richards, Rogers, Ruggles, Sawyer, Sergeant, Settle, Seybert, Sherwood, Simkins, Slocumb, Ballard Smith, J. S. Smith, Speed, Stewart of North Carolina, Strong, Tarr, Terrill, Terry, Tucker of South Carolina, Upham, Walker of North Carolina, Wallace, Wendover, Whiteside, Whitman, Williams of Connecticut, Williams of New York, Williams of North Carolina, Wilson of Massachusetts, and Wilson of Pennsylers, that have no eloquence of speech, save what

ania.

So the bill was rejected.

CASE OF R. W. MEADE.

The House, on motion of Mr. TRIMBLE, took up the report of the select committee on the resolution of the 12th February, and the memorial of sundry citizens of Philadelphia, respecting the imprisonment of Richard W. Meade, by the Spanish Government. The report concludes with recommending to the House the adoption of the following resolution:

Resolved, That the House is satisfied that the imprisonment of Richard W. Meade is an act of cruel and unjustifiable oppression; that it is the right and duty of the Government of the United States to afford to Mr. Meade its aid and protection; and that this

the subject lends to grace its memory. Let no man judge me of meaning more than I explain. In the full spirit of candor, I declare, before the highest of all tribunals-the Judge of quick and dead-that, if I know myself, there is no temptation which would induce me to do a deed that would bring dishonor on my country; and I swear by all that is sacred in me, that in my opinion we are bound in duty, in justice, and in honor, to give this citizen immediate succor, even at the hazard of our lives. Suppose a change of cases, and I and you, and all of us would ask it and expect it. Let us remember the golden rule of him who spake as never man spake-let us do to others as we would have them do to us; for on this hangs the duty of the nation. If the measure which I offer and advocate is dangerous or

APRIL, 1818.

Case of Richard W. Meade.

H. OF R.

premature, there is a redeeming spirit in the supe- proceedings should be had in the cause, in the abrior wisdom and better judgment of the House, sence of the new judges. McDermot suggested which will shield us from its consequences; and to the Council of War, that Meade was about to I am sure there is a fund of charity within these leave Spain, and the old judges, in the absence of walls, that will forgive the well-meant, but mis- the new ones, and contrary to the King's order, taken zeal, which may lead me beyond the bound-authorized the Consulado at Cadiz to hold Meade ary of cold caution. to security for the money; and the Consulado resolved, that the only security they would take, should be another deposite of the money in their Treasury. This Meade refused to do, and he was sent to the castle, and put in the felons' prison. Other aggravating facts and circumstances may be found in the documents sent by the President in his Message on this subject.

Permit me to waste a few moments in glancing over the facts, as reported. I intend to rely entirely on the evidence of the Spanish documents, and for that reason shall omit many considerations which give a favorable color to the case; as, for instance, Mr. Meade's loan of forty thousand dollars in cash to the Regency, to assist them in suppressing a mutiny of the troops at Cadiz ; Our Minister near the Čourt of Madrid comthe enormous sum of more than half a million plained of these outrageous proceedings, as a viowhich they owe him for property sold the Gov-lation of the 7th and 20th articles of the treaty of ernment; and the fact of his being put under military guard until his warehouses were pillaged, by order of the Regency, because he refused to sell any more property, flour, tobacco, &c., until he could get pay for what they already owed him. Let these, and many others like them, pass for nothing. The naked case is this: Mr. Meade held in his hands about fifty-two thousand dollars, as trustee under the bankrupt laws of Spain, subject to the direction and control of the Consulado at Cadiz. One Glass claimed this money for himself; and one Hunter, by his agent, (McDermot,) also claimed it. The Consulado ordered the money to be paid to McDermot, on condition that he would give security. This he failed to do, and the Consulado suddenly made an order, directing Mr. Meade to deposite the sum in the King's treasury. He made the deposite, in "effective specie," which the same treasury owed him, viz: in libramientos-that is, treasury notes or cash scrip. These treasury notes may have been at a discount in the market, but that could make no difference; for it would have been more than dishonest in the treasury to refuse its own paper, because it was at a discount. Between Meade and the treasury there was no ground of complaint, and could be none; for, if he had paid the deposite in specie, the treasurer must have instantly repaid it to him, in discharge of the libra mientos-that is, treasury notes-and the result would be exactly the same. And as Meade was then pressing the treasurer to pay his cash scrip, it is easy to see that the treasurer obtained a respite from further importunity, until Glass or Hunter should call for the money, at the end of their law-suit.

Some time after this, McDermot brought suit against Mr. Meade for the same sum, before the same court. He pleaded their order and the deposite in the King's treasury, and vouched the treasury to respond the money; but the court gave judgment that he should pay again. He appealed at the Alzadas, and the cause was withdrawn from that court by the Council of War, at the instance of McDermot; and it is still pending before the Council of War. Mr. Meade petitioned the King against the oppressive conduct of that court, and the King ordered five new judges to be associated with the old ones, and directed that no

1795, and also a violation of the laws and usages of Spain; and the King expressed his entire disapprobation of the conduct of the courts, and or dered that justice should be immediately done in the cause; but at the same time issued an order, directing the proceedings to be suspended as long as possible, suggesting as his reason for this, that in any event, his treasury must refund the deposite so soon as the cause should be decided; and that he had no money in his treasury to refund. This is said at the time when his Minister of Finance states in his exposé to the King, that the annual expense of the King's household amounts to seven millions of dollars. And this is what Don Onis calls "Immaculate Purity," and I would say that it caps the climax of Spanish villany and treachery. I challenge all history to produce its parallel. Are we not bound to protect this citizen against such a flagrant outrage? I read in the books, that nations are in a state of nature, and have only two modes of compelling each other to do justice; war and reprisal. I say nothing of big words hung up in resolutions. They are the index of imbecility; the mask of cowardice. I abjure all hectoring, and gasconading, and gostering, between nations or individuals. In this case war would only increase the injury, by protracting the confinement. Reprisal is the only efficient remedy. The amendment before you proposes, that a law be passed, authorizing the President (in the event of a failure on the part of Spain, to liberate this citizen) to make reprisal by seizing a Spanish subject, a consul or vice consul, and confine him as a hostage. This will support the President in his late demand, and put a weapon in his hand, to chastise the insolence which Spain may offer to this Government in the reply which she may make. So far as precedent goes, this amendment is supported by the law of 1799, which authorized and required the President, ADAMS, to make reprisals upon French citizens in the cases there mentioned. If examples are called for, they are to be found in the history of every nation. The world would never be at peace, if all causes of complaint were redressed by war. Humanity and sound policy approve the practice of reprisals, and require that it should sometimes be resorted to. Why should a nation change its peaceful habits, and gird on the armor of war, and

H. OF R.

Case of Richard W. Meade.

APRIL, 1818.

waste millions to obtain redress for an injury, which can be redressed by the seizure and confinement of a single individual? Would you spill the blood and squander the treasure of your own people, where redress can be obtained by the pressure of coercion on the people of your adversary? Shall this outrage be placed upon the cal-munity. Allegiance and protection are coeval ender of grievances, to be discussed upon thirteen years forbearance? Promptitude is justice in a case like this. If it must terminate in a war of words, we have proof positive, that Mr. Adams can drive Don Onis from the field of battle; but, in my opinion, we have retreated far enough from Spain; and unless we make a stand upon reprisal, we shall take shelter behind the ramparts of disgrace.

abandon a citizen without his consent? The primary object of the social compact is personal safety and protection. In the formation of that compact, each individual surrenders his natural right of self protection, on condition that he shall be protected by the whole strength of the comand coextensive. If you claim, or have a right to claim, the one, the citizen has a right to claim the other; they are one and indivisible. What are the obligations of this Government to its citizens? Upon what basis is it founded? Was it erected upon a system of time-serving policy, or did the wise framers of the Constitution dig deep, and lay its foundation sure-upon immutable principles of justice and of rights? Let us Perhaps it would be well, he said, to pretermit analyze the Constitution; let it speak for itself: the reading of authorities; but here is something listen. "We, the people of the United States, so exactly to the purpose, that he would ask the surrender to you, the General Government, cerHouse to hear it: Vattel, page 283, section 341: tain rights, and grant you certain powers. And "Where a sovereign is not satisfied with the man- what do you give us in return for these? A 'ner in which his subjects are treated by the laws guarantee, a solemn compact on your part that 'and customs of another nation, he is at liberty to you will insure to us equal rights, equal justice, 'declare that he will treat the subjects of that and equal protection; promote our general wel'nation in the same manner as his are treated. fare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourThis is what is called retortion. There is no- selves and our posterity." Yes, sir, equal rights, 'thing in this but what is conformable to justice to be secured by wise and wholesome laws; equal 'and sound policy. No one can complain on re-justice, to be administered by honest, upright ceiving the same treatment which he gives to judges; and equal protection to every citizen 'others." Again, same book, page 285, sec. 351: throughout the world: not, if you please, on "As we may seize the things which belong to a courtesy or favor, but on compulsion, on solemn 'nation, in order to compel her to do justice, we compact; not when you please, at your convemay equally, for the same reason, arrest some of nience, but promptly when demanded, and to be 'her citizens, and not release them till we have enforced, when necessary, by the whole power of 'full satisfaction." And again, same book, p. 262, the community. Will any man deny these prinsec. 71: "Whoever uses a citizen ill, directly ciples? Who dare deny them? I arraign the offends the State, which is bound to protect this counter-pleader at your bar, (the table;) put him citizen; and the sovereign of the latter should upon his oath, and leave him to his country, his 'avenge his wrongs, punish the aggressor, and, if conscience, and his God. Such a statesman possible, oblige him to make full reparation, would be banished from this House by the ostra'since otherwise the citizen would not attain the cism of public opinion, and his return perpetually 'great end of the civil association, which is safe-interdicted by the non-intercourse of general dety." He would refer gentlemen to page 5, sec. 17, and page 288, sec. 354, same book. These passages, he said, would show that the amendment before the House came clearly within the scope and sanction of the law of nations. But, for his part, although he gave full credence to able writers on such subjects, yet he relied much more on common sense and practical experience. The great volume of nature was the work from which he drew his lessons of instruction; these books he considered as only commentaries on the text. We must look behind the chronicles of nations for the principles which gave birth to their existence, or the necessities which suggested their variety of laws and usages.

Formerly the States could protect their citizens by reprisal. In the formation of the Constitution they surrendered the right to the General Government. Are you not bound in duty to use all the powers thus solemnly granted to you and inhibited to them? Can the duty of this nation to protect its citizens be made a question? Can you alienate a part of your territory? Can you denationalize a citizen? Can the nation

testation.

What is the general welfare of the nation but a sum total of benefits, composed of items, solemnly promised to each citizen to be sacredly performed? What are the blessings of liberty? Are they empty sounds and tinkling cymbals, or are they nouns substantive, that can be felt, and handled, and enjoyed?

There is one blessing of liberty which stands pre-eminent above the rest-it is personal protection! Has this citizen enjoyed that blessing, or has he been visited by the bitterest curses that unrelenting vengeance could inflict upon an unoffending victim? These venal and corrupt ministers, these panders for royalty, have caused him to be torn, lawlessly, from his family and friends, and thrown into the dungeon assigned for malefactors. Baseness, fraud, and perfidy, formed an unholy league with avarice, ingratitude, and malice, to wring from him his property and smother his complaints; and the laws of Spain, subsisting treaties, and the sacred usages of nations, were but ropes of sand in the hands of these myrmidons of power. They have made him drink of