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Ambrose W amendment Amos Myers Ancona arms army arrest Asahel W Ashley authority Beaman Benjamin F bill Blair Brown Charles O'Neill citizens civil Clark command Committee Confederate Congress Conkling Constitution Convention Court Davis Dawes declared Department district Dixon Doolittle duty election Eliot Executive Eyck Federal Fessenden follows Fort Sumter Francis fugitive slave Gooch Government Grider Grimes habeas corpus Hale Harlan Harris Henry Winter Davis hereby Holman House insurrection James Johnson Kellogg Lane of Indiana Lane of Kansas Legislature Leonard Myers loyal ment military Moorhead Morrill nays NAys—Messrs officers Orlando Kellogg peace persons Pomeroy Powell President proclamation rebel rebellion resolution Rice Rollins Roscoe Conkling Samuel secession Secretary Senate service or labor Sherman slavery South Carolina Sumner territory thereof Thomas tion treason Trumbull Union United Virginia vote Wade Walkenburgh Wallandigham Washburne William G Wilson Windom YEAs—Messrs
Side 222 - We, even we here, hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless.
Side 106 - Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world?
Side 105 - Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism.
Side 104 - It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was " to form a more perfect Union.
Side 105 - Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.
Side 103 - I have no purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so.
Side 134 - The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition to all.
Side 105 - At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.
Side 106 - In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to " preserve, protect, and defend it.