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only the name, and had really produced an original and a remarkable little treatise on Astronomy. We have seen nothing since the days of Dr. Chalmers's Astronomical Discourses equal in their kind to these six simple lectures. The theme is sublime. The style is generally worthy of the theme; occasionally perhaps a little overwrought, but the grandeur of the subject excuses something of the enthusiasm of the writer. By an imagination which is truly contagious he lifts us above the earth and causes us to wander for a time among the stars. The most abstruse truths he succeeds in translating into popular forms. Science is with him less a study than a poem, less a poem than a form of devotion. The writer who can convert the Calculus into a fairy story, as Dr. Burr has done, may fairly hope that no theme can thwart the solving power of his imagination. An enthusiast in science, he is also an earnest Christian at heart. He makes no attempt to reconcile science and religion, but writes as with a charming ignorance that any one had ever been so absurdly irrational as to imagine that they were ever at variance.

tions of the several parts, will acquire a very thorough knowledge of the plant in question, and probably at the same time a great desire to take a second specimen. They thus begin the study of botany, as it ought to be begun, by making themselves acquainted with the plants which grow around their own homes. The examination of each plant will bring up various points in respect to the structure and the physiology of plants, and the structure and functions of the several organs, which will awaken a curiosity that they will find abundant means of gratifying in this work. The arrangement of it is excellent for this purpose, as well as for class instruction in schools.

The system of classification which is mainly followed is that of Natural Orders, though the Linnæan system is given. The work embodies the latest discoveries in the science of vegetable physiology, and the character and reputation of the author make a work of the highest authority.

IN China it is said the physician is engaged not to cure his patients, but to keep his employers from becoming sick. He is paid a yearly salary. Whenever one of the family sickens, and his services are required, the salary is stopped. Whenever the doctor is needed no longer the salary is resumed. The Chinaman shows by this arrangement a degree of shrewdness which does him very great credit. It is ordinarily in America, however, very difficult to get a physician who will tell you how to keep well. He accounts it his business to cure disease, not to prevent it; and measures his skill by the seriousness of the sick

HALL'S Alphabet of Geology (Gould and Lincoln) is well entitled. It is so primary as to be truly alphabetic. But it is so bald in style, so barren of pictorial statement, so wholly lacking in the elements which characterize the work on astronomy we have mentioned above, so exclusively, in short, a compend of mere dry facts that we should despair of ever interesting the young, for whom it is especially written, in its pages. Despite Mr. Gradgrind's eulogy of "facts," children rarely understand and still more rarely heed "facts" that are not present-ness which he succeeds in overcoming. We have ed in pleasing forms, and, in some measure, through the medium of the imagination.

PROFESSOR GRAY's School and Field Book of Botany* is admirably adapted to serve as an introduction to the study of botany, whether theoretically by class instruction in schools, or practically and personally by individuals. There is a way of making this study a source of great recreation and amusement in a family, that is, by making it practical from the beginning. Let a mother, or an older brother or sister, no matter whether they have any knowledge of botany or not, go into the garden or field with the children-the field is better, as the flowers there have not been modified by cultivation-and select any flower of which the common name is known. They look out this common name in the index of this volume; there they learn the botanical name, and the page in the volume where its botanical characteristics are described, and its place in the general system of classification shown. Every technical term is explained in a copious glossary. The pupils in examining and analyzing the flower, in pressing and preserving specimens, not only of the flower but of the leaves, and also of all the parts of the flower, separately, and arranging them systematically and gumming them, thus arranged, upon a sheet, for preservation, inscribing in connection with them the names and characteristic specifica

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very little faith in any books of the "every man his own doctor" order. It is a proverb in the law that "he who is his own lawyer has a fool for a client," which might safely be applied in the case of the other profession. But we welcome very cordially such a book as that of Dr. Bellows, because we are glad to have a physician indicate that he thinks it worth his while to teach us how to prevent the sickness which physicians generally only attempt to cure. The recipes which Dr. Bellows prescribes will be commended by those of the homeopathic school, and sharply criticised by their opponents. We confess ourselves unable to agree with him in tracing all the ills to which flesh is heir to carbonaceous food. If one is too fat it is because he eats too much fine flour, butter, and sugar. If one is too lean it is because he eats too much fine flour, butter, and sugar. If one's teeth are bad it is because he eats too much fine flour, butter, and sugar. short, fine flour, butter, and sugar seem to constitute the Doctor's conception of original sin; and we are inclined to think that in his opinion they entered in some mysterious way into the composition of the apple that Eve ate. We can hardly commend his treatise as an absolute and unquestioned authority, but it is full of valuable and useful practical suggestions.

MISCELLANEOUS.

In

WHOEVER Visits London visits of course the Tower of London. He is, perhaps, surprised to

How not to be Sick. By ALBERT J. BELLOWS, M.D. New York: Hurd and Houghton. 1868.

find it not a tower at all, but a pile of buildings | preoccupied, but possesses some characteristics covering many acres, and now affording accom- which distinguish it from its predecessors.* The modations for a battalion of infantry, with plen- author's aim is less to afford, by arbitrary selecty of room for their daily drill. Whoever has tions, specimens of the growth of the language, "done" the Tower with the other sights of the than to illustrate that growth by certain characgreat city will not readily forget the ridiculous teristic authors of different eras. He avoids the Warder in his theatrical costume, supposed by a error of similar books which too often present vivid imagination to represent something antique mere paragraphs that can never truly represent because it has no possible resemblance to any a writer, any more than a square inch of a paintthing modern; or the awe with which he looked ing can be taken to illustrate truly the method on Bloody Tower and rehearsed the story of the of the artist. But in so doing he necessarily falls murder of the two young princes by their cruel into the other error of representing an age by a uncle; and the Traitor's Gate, through which so single author. Thus Longfellow is the only repmany noble men and true have entered the Tow-resentative of American literature; and from his er, to find their only exit through the gate of works "Hiawatha" is selected-a poem which is, death; and Beauchamp Tower, the most com- perhaps, the least characteristic of any thing that mon place for the confinement of state prisoners, has issued from his pen. As a natural conseand the rude inscriptions carved by their knives on quence he occupies an absurdly prominent posithe cold, undraped, stone walls-inscriptions some tion in the collection. Of a little over four hunof which tell in a few sentences the story of a dred pages of selections nearly fifty are given to sad, sad life. Neither will they readily forget the him, who thus represents something like oneset speech of the Warder, who probably rehearses ninth of the English literature of about five cenfifty times a day the same story, and who looks turies. In truth, any attempt to indicate the aghast at an American because he will interrupt growth of English literature within the compass the flow of words with interminable questions. of five hundred pages affords a volume which is And we are sure that they will agree with us that necessarily only a compendium. But however they came away but little wiser than they went, unsatisfactory such a treatise may be to the real save as in future reading references in romance student of English literature it is a valuable ́ inand in history received new significance from troduction; one which no pupil can master withthe memory of that visit. Mr. Dixon* under- out making great progress in a knowledge of our takes to play the part of Warder to thousands of language and literature. The second part of visitors who never will see the Tower of London Professor Day's work consists of a philosophical except as they see it in his pages, and to carry analysis of the elements and construction of lanagain through its complicated rooms and turrets guage, and is a concise and interesting exhibiand passages those that have already traversed tion of the main features of orthography, etymolthem. We need not tell those who are already ogy, syntax, and prosody. familiar with his writings that he makes an admirable Warder. We have revisited this ancient pile in his companionship with pleasure. We can guarantee to any one who will read his pages with care that he shall know more of the Tower and its history than he would learn by any ordinary visit under the auspices of any of its ordinary guardians; and to those who have already traversed its circuit with the unseemly but unavoidable haste of a tourist, that this book will give them, by its carefully collated information, the pleasure of a second visit. The history of the Tower of London is the history of England. Whoever means to pay it a visit will find it worth his while to prepare for doing so by a perusal of these pages.

PROFESSOR DAY's Introduction to the Study of English Literature occupies a field already

Her Majesty's Tower. By WILLIAM HEPWORTH DIXON. New York: Harper and Brothers. 1869.

The

ALL those who appreciate genuine wit will receive with pleasure Messrs. Callaghan and Cockcroft's edition of the Comic Blackstone. disquisitions of the famous jurist are most amusingly travestied, and the inconsistencies and eccentricities of the law are very humorously set forth in this volume, which proves to be entertaining reading not only for those who are learned in the law, but for all who have an appreciation of the humor of social affairs, and who can enjoy a running fire of wit on subjects which are usually sacred to dullness. No one who was accustomed to read Punch twenty years ago can have forgotten these papers; and they are presented now in a form in which, if we mistake not, they will be quite as popular with law-students as "Coke upon Lyttleton" or the "YearBooks."

Introduction to the Study of English Literature. By HENEY N. DAY. Charles Scribner and Co. 1869.

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affirmative by 137 to 63; the Senate decided the same way, and the vote was allowed, and given to Grant and Colfax. When Georgia was called Mr. Butler objected to the reception of the vote on the following grounds: (1.) The election was not held on the day prescribed by law; (2.) That on the day of the election the State had not been admitted to representation in Congress; (3.) That at the time the State had not fulfilled the requirements of the Reconstruction Act; (4.) That the "pretended election was not a free, just, and fair election, but the people were deprived of their just rights therein by force and fraud."

A concurrent resolution had been previously passed by both Houses providing that, "as the question whether the State of Georgia has become and is entitled to representation in the two Houses of Congress is now pending and undetermined," therefore in counting the electoral vote, if the counting or omitting to count any vote presented from Georgia should not essentially change the result, this should be presented as follows: "Were the votes presented as of the State of Georgia to be counted, the result would be votes for President, etc.; if not counted, they would be votes for President, etc., but in either case is elected President of the United States, and in the same manner for VicePresident."

Senate having retired, Mr. Butler offered a resolution that "the House protest that the counting of the vote of Georgia, by order of the Vice-President pro tem., was a gross act of oppression, and an invasion of the privileges of the House." This was ruled by the Speaker of the House, Mr. Colfax, who had taken the chair, to be a question of privilege. He then proceeded to sum up the state of the case; the conclusion being that the President of the Senate, in ordering the vote to be taken and announced as prescribed by the joint resolution, complied with the duty imposed upon him. Mr. Butler, amidst much confusion, continued to press his resolution; but before any action was taken upon it the House adjourned. Some further talk was had subsequently in regard to the matter; but it was at length suffered to rest, and the whole question was, by a vote of 130 to 55, laid upon the table.

On the 13th a joint committee, consisting of Senator Morton and Mr. Wilson, Republicans, and Mr. Pruyn, Democrat, appointed for that purpose, officially announced to the President and Vice-President elect the fact of their election. The proceedings were very quietly conducted, occupying only a few minutes, hardly a score of persons being present. Senator Morton, in presenting to General Grant the official notification of the election, said: "The great majority of your countrymen hail your election with delight; while even those who did not support you at the polls entertain for you the highest confidence and respect......All cherish full. faith in your ability and virtue, and entertain the highest hopes of your success, and that during your administration the work of reconstruction will be completed, and the wounds of civil war healed, and that our country will take a new departure in growth, progress, and prosperity."General Grant's reply had evidently been carefully prepared beforehand, so as to indicate the general scope of the new Administration, and to put at rest various reports that had been widely cir

An acrimonious discussion arose upon the objection raised by Mr. Butler. The presiding officer was disposed to carry out the direction of the Houses in this matter. Mr. Butler insisted that this was a question of Constitutional law, and should be considered in both Houses. Mr. Wade directed the Senate to retire for this purpose, and the House decided, by 150 to 41, that the vote of Georgia should not be counted. The Senate, after consideration, decided that the objection of Mr. Butler was not in order; and the two Houses again coming together, the President of the Senate ordered that the vote should be announced as directed by the concurrent res-culated. He said: olution. A scene of great tumult ensued. Mr. Butler appealed vehemently, declaring that the decision of the Senate should not overrule the resolution of the House. The Chairman refused to admit the appeal, and directed the tellers to go on with the count. The tumult now became so great that the Sergeant-at-Arms was ordered to arrest any member who should disobey the orders of the Convention. Finally, however, the result was officially announced by Mr. Wade, as

follows:

"I can promise the Committee that it will be my endeavor to call around me as assistants such men only as I think will carry out the principles which you have said the country desires to see successful-economy, retrenchment, faithful collection of the revenue, and payment of the public debt. If I should fail in my first choice, I shall not at any time hesitate to make a second, or even a third trial, with the concurrence of the Senate, who have the confirming power, and should just as soon remove one of my own appointees as the appointee of my predecessor. It would make erly speak of here, and that is the selection of a Cabno difference. There is one matter that I might propinet. I have always felt that it would be rather indelicate to announce or even to consult with the gentlemen whom I thought of inviting to positions in my Cabinet, before the official declaration of the result of the election was made, although I presumed that there was no doubt about what that declaration would be. But after consideration I have come to the conclusion that there is not a man in the country who could be invited to a place in the Cabinet without friends of some other gentleman making an effort to secure the position; not that there would be any objection to the party named, but that there would be others whom they had set their hearts upon having in the place. I can tell that from the great number of requests which come to me, in writing and otherwise, for this particular person or that one, from different sets and delegations. If announced in advance efforts would be made to change my determination, and therefore I have come to the conclusion not to announce who I am going to invite to seats in the Cabfeel-firmation. If I say any thing to them about it, it will The certainly not be more than two or three days previous

"Including the State of Georgia, Grant and Colfax received 214 votes, and Seymour and Blair 80 votes, and excluding the State of Georgia, Grant and Colfax received 214 votes, and Seymour and Blair 71 votes. I do therefore declare that Ulysses S. Grant, of Illinois, having received a majority of the whole number of electoral votes, is duly elected President of the United States for four years, commencing on the 4th day of March, 1869; and that Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, having received the majority of the whole number of electoral votes, is duly elected Vice-President of the United States for four years, commencing on the 4th day of March, 1869. The joint Convention having accomplished the business which brought it here, will

now retire to the Senate Chamber."

The accidental omission of the words "the Senate," in the order to retire, created much laughter, and did much to restore the good ing which had been greatly infringed upon.

inet until I send in their names to the Senate for con

to sending in their names. I think it well to make a public declaration of this to the Committee, so that my intentions may be known."

After hearing this announcement, Mr. Pruyn, the Democratic member of the Committee, said: "In the great principles which you have marked out for the conduct of your administration you will have the political support of those with whom I am associated, ready to act with you."-The reply of Mr. Colfax to the notification of his election was brief. He said: "Please convey to the two Houses of Congress my acceptance of the office to which I have been elected by the people of the United States, and assure them that I shall endeavor to prove worthy of this mark of confidence by fidelity to principle and duty."-Subsequently, in more formally announcing to Congress his acceptance of the office of President, General Grant wrote:

"Please notify the two Houses of Congress of my acceptance of the important trust which you have just notified me of my election as President of the United States; and say to them that it will be my endeavor that they and those who elected me shall have no cause to regret their action."

Mr. Colfax's formal reply was almost verbally the same as that given orally to the Committee.

CONGRESS.

Among the most important measures brought before Congress is a joint resolution for further amendments to the Constitution to be presented for ratification to the States. The essential clauses in this resolution as it passed the House, where it originated, is as follows:

ARTICLE, Sec. 1.-The right of any citizen of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or any State, by reason of race or color or previous condition of slavery, of any citizen or class of citizens of the United States. Sec. 2.The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legislation the provisions of this article.

The resolution passed the House, January 30, by a vote of 150 to 42. Coming before the Senate, it underwent long and earnest debate, and was returned to the House, February 10, amended as follows:

ARTICLE 15. No discrimination shall be made in the United States among the citizens of the United States in the exercise of the elective franchise, or in the right to hold office, in any State, on account of race, color, nativity, property, education, or creed.

ARTICLE 16. The second clause of the first section

of the second article of the Constitution of the United States shall be amended to read as follows:

"Each State shall appoint, by a vote of the people thereof qualified to vote for Representatives in Congress, a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State shall be entitled in Congress; but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector, and Congress shall have power to prescribe the manner in which such electors shall be chosen by the people."

United States or any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. SECTION 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

This report was adopted in the House, February 25, by 143 to 43, and in the Senate, on the next day, by 39 to 12.- -An important financial bill, entitled "A bill to strengthen the public credit, and relating to contracts for the payment of coin," was reported in the House by the Committee on Ways and Means. Its chief provisions are that (1.) "The faith of the United States is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin or its equivalent of all interest-bearing obligations of the United States, except in cases where the law authorizing the issue of any such obligation has expressly provided that the same may be paid in lawful money or other currency than gold and silver;" but it is provided that before any of these interest-bearing obligations not yet matured shall be paid, the United States notes, not bearing interest shall be made convertible into coin at the option of the holder; and (2.) Any contract made specially for payment in coin shall be legal, and may be enforced according to its terms. This bill passed the House, February 24, by a vote of 119 to 61.-A bill imposing additional duties upon the importation of copper was passed in both Houses, vetoed by the President, and passed over the veto.

Our Record closing some days before the end of the session, the result of several important measures which have been under discussion, some of which have been passed in one House, is undecided. Among these are the repeal of Tenure-of-Office Act; reconstruction of Mississippi; diminution of the army; the proposed treaties with Great Britain; and, most imporant of all, the pending financial projects. It seems probable that many of these will be laid over to the next Congress. We propose, at as early a day as possible, to give a resume of the action of this session of Congress.

The remains of Booth, Harold, Atzerott, Mrs. Surratt, and others, executed for alleged complicity in the assassination of President Lincoln, which were buried in a storehouse at Washington, have been disinterred, by order of the President, and given to relatives for burial. President has also pardoned Dr. Mudd, who has been imprisoned at the Dry Tortugas.

SOUTHERN AMERICA.

The

From Mexico we have numerous reports of risings and insurrections in various quarters. The general purport of all accounts is that the country is in a state of complete anarchy, with no prospect of amelioration unless a protectorate is established by some foreign Power.

The war on the river Plata seems to be nearly at an end. The Paraguayans were driven from their last stronghold near the river, and Lopez, with the remnant of his forces, retreated to the mountains. The Brazilians took possession of Asuncion, the capital, which, however, they found utterly deserted.-A resumé of transactions tained in a proclamation of Lopez, dated on the here, from a Paraguayan point of view, is con

This amendment was adopted in the Senate by a vote of 40 to 16. The House refused to concur in this, and returned it with alterations, which the Senate would not accept. A Committee of Conference of the two Houses was appointed, who reported the resolutions as follows: Be it resolved two-thirds of both Houses concurring, That the following Amendment to the Constitution of the United States be submitted to the Legislatures 28th of December. From this it appears that on of the several States, and when ratified by three-fourths thereof it shall be a part of said Constitution: ARTICLE 15. The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the

the 21st the Brazilians were repulsed from the lines at Villeta; on the 27th they renewed the assault, and as Lopez says, “the lottery of arms

was contrary to us, more by chance than by his force. Our few dismounted cannon, placed upon mounds of earth, could make but a few shots, and the enemy succeeded in his attack......We suffered a reverse, but our country's cause has not suffered, and its good sons are organizing at this moment to fight with greater stubbornness against the fast-exterminated enemy, whose great numbers stay upon the field of battle only for the completion of their destruction. Already he has little but cannon and horses left. The last days cost him 20,000 men."

asserting her right to the throne.”—The text of this manifesto appears in European papers of Feb. 12. The ex-Queen declares that the Cortes is illegally convoked, and has been elected by violent and criminal measures, and is about to be convoked in answer to the appeal of four ambitious men, who, by reducing the army and enlisting criminals in their cause, have, by means of terror, succeeded in substituting their cowardly and fatal tyranny for the constitution to which they had sworn fidelity. She declares all their acts null and void, and means to preserve intact all her rights.

And so on, day after day, run the reports. The Cortes, however, convened on the 11th of February. Marshal Serrano, the President of the Ministry, presided, and made a congratulatory speech. There were vivas for the Pro

Of the rising in Cuba we have only vague and contradictory reports. General Dulce, the Captain-General, issued a proclamation of amnesty to all who would give themselves up; this amnesty expired on the 21st of February, only a few persons having availed themselves of it. It is certain that the insurrection has not been sup-visional Government, for General Prim, for a pressed, notwithstanding considerable reinforcements sent from Spain. It is said, on apparently good authority, that considerable aid, both in men and material, has been given to the insurgents from the United States.

EUROPE.

The war cloud which threatened, growing out of the Eastern question, has been for the time dispelled. The peace Conference put forth a protocol demanding that the Greek Government should cease from hostile movements against Turkey; and the Greek Government, against popular feeling, acceded to this demand. In the mean time the Great Powers, especially France and Prussia, keep up their war preparations to the utmost, notwithstanding both profess to be actuated by peaceful motives.

From Spain there is nothing which can lead any one to venture to prognosticate, even for a month in advance, the probable course of events. Beyond brief telegraphic reports we have really nothing; and these in most cases are so evidently of a partisan character as to be practically of no value. Thus, under date of Feb. 2, we read: "It is probable that Marshal Prim, General Serrano, and Señor Rivero will constitute the proposed Directory; all those opposed to the Monarchy base their hopes on the Directory when once established......'The Cortes will probably make great reductions in the endowments of the clergy and in the expenditures of the army."-Feb. 4. "Bands of Carlists have made their appearance in Catalonia; they seek to produce a rising against the Provisional Government. Troops have been sent out to disperse them. The press of Madrid, fearing a civil war, urge the Government to take active measures, and the people to unite against the reactionary party."-Feb. 7. "The Provisional Government will present the Constituent Cortes the draft of a constitution prohibiting slavery all in the Spanish dominions. The Pope has forbidden the prelates recently elected to take seats in the Cortes. Prince Ferdinand has consented to be a candidate for the throne of Spain. Many rumors prevail about the proposed Directory; some assert that the members are to be elected for five years. The Carlists are very active, and there are indications that they are laboring to produce an insurrection, which may break out at any moment. Queen Isabella has issued another manifesto, denouncing the revolution in Spain, and

Republic, for a Monarchy, but finally they were drowned by a shout for the "sovereignty of the Cortes." At length, on the 18th the Cortes formally requested Serrano to take the head of the Government, and to organize a Cabinet. On the 23d Serrano officially announced the resignation of the late Provisional Government; whereupon a vote of thanks was passed to them, by a vote of 180 to 62, the few Republican members unanimously opposing it, and Serrano was formally intrusted with full executive powers for the time being, with authority to form a Ministry. Serrano in accepting the position given him made a temperate speech, advising the minority to pursue a policy of conciliation in view of the principles firmly held by a majority of the Cortes. For himself, he promised loyalty, patriotism, and abnegation.' General De Roda, who put down the rising in Malaga, was named as Captain-General of Cuba, to succeed General Dulce, whose brief administration seems to be looked upon as quite too lenient toward the insurgents.

In Great Britain the New Parliament was formally opened on the 16th of February. The royal speech was read by the Vice-Chancellor, the Queen not being present. It stated that the relations of Great Britain with all friendly Powers were on an excellent footing. The hostilities which had threatened to break out in the East had been prevented by the action of the Great Powers at the Conference in Paris. The estimates to be laid before the House of Commons would be framed on a basis of economy coupled with efficiency in the administration of the service. The continued suppression of the Act of Habeas Corpus in Ireland was regarded as no longer necessary. It was hoped that negotiations in progress would result in placing the relations with the United States upon a permanently friendly basis. The great question of the day, relating to the ecclesiastical arrangements of Ireland, must be considered by Parliament, and their final adjustment would make large demands upon the wisdom of both Houses. "I am persuaded," said the speech, "that careful regard will be had to the interests involved and to the welfare of religion, and that through the application of principles of equal justice to the question before the Parliament will secure the undivided feeling of the people of Ireland on the side of loyalty and law, efface the memory of past contentions, and cherish the sympathies of an affectionate people."

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