on land and water and in the air. (Signed) Max, Prince of Baden, Imperial Chancellor."

On October 5 the new Chancellor gave an address to the Reichstag, in which he announced the despatch of this Note asking for an armistice. The speech was of considerable length. At the outset Prince Max said that the Reichstag would now assume a more important position in the governance of the Empire. In accordance with this principle, the programme of the Reichstag majority, including the famous peace resolution of July 19, 1917, had been now adopted by the Government. The Government were also desirous of joining a general League of Nations. The Belgian question ought to be solved by the complete restoration of Belgium, in her independence and in her territorial integrity. Furthermore, the peace treaties already concluded in the East would not be allowed to become obstacles to a general peace. After dealing with domestic affairs, including the enhancement of the powers of the Reichstag, the democratisation of the Prussian franchise, and labour legislation, the Chancellor went on to deal with the question of peace. After stating that they all had confidence in the German Army, he said that after consultation with Germany's allies a Note had been sent to Washington proposing an armistice (the Note quoted above). The Chancellor concluded his speech by saying that he hoped peace would be secured, but that if Germany's enemies were still intent upon her destruction he would still see no cause to despair.

As stated elsewhere (see the United States), the German Government's Note received a prompt answer from Washington in the shape of certain questions regarding the reality of the German acceptance of President Wilson's terms. The next German Note, which was sent as early as October 12, was as follows:

"In reply to the questions of the President of the United States of America, the German Government hereby declares :

"The German Government has accepted the terms laid down by President Wilson in his Address of January 8 and in his subsequent addresses as the foundation of a permanent peace of justice. Consequently its object in entering into discussions would be only to agree upon practical details of the application of these terms.

"The German Government believes that the Governments of the Powers associated with the Government of the United States also adopt the position taken by President Wilson in his Address.

"The German Government, in agreement with the AustroHungarian Government, for the purpose of bringing about an armistice, declares itself ready to comply with the propositions of the President in regard to evacuation. The German Government suggests that the President may occasion the meeting of a mixed commission, for making the necessary arrangements concerning the evacuation.

"The present German Government which has undertaken the responsibility for this step towards peace has been formed by conferences and in agreement with the great majority of the Reichstag. The Chancellor, supported in all of his actions by the will of this majority, speaks in the name of the German Government and of the German people. (Signed) Solf, State Secretary of Foreign Office, Berlin, October 12, 1918."

Immediately after the receipt of the second German Note, a reply was dispatched by the American Government (see U.S.A.). After some delay a third German Note, of greater length, was duly sent. The text of this was as follows:

"In complying with the proposal to evacuate occupied territories the German Government started from the standpoint that the procedure. in this evacuation and the conditions of armistice are to be left to the judgment of military advisers, and that the present relative strength on the fronts must be made the basis of arrangements that will safeguard and guarantee it. The German Government leaves it to the President to create an opportunity to settle the details. It trusts that the President of the United States will approve no demand that would be irreconcilable with the honour of the German people and with paving the way to a peace of justice.

"The German Government protests against the charge of illegal and inhuman practices that is made against the German land and sea forces, and thereby against the German people. Destructions (Zerstörungen) will ever be necessary to cover a retreat, and are in so far permitted under international law. The German troops have the strictest instructions to respect private property and to care for the population according to their ability. Where, notwithstanding this, excesses occur, the guilty are punished.

"The German Government also denies that in sinking ships the German Navy has purposely destroyed lifeboats together with their occupants. The German Government suggests that in all these points the facts shall be cleared up by neutral commissions.

"In order to avoid everything that might render peace work more difficult, orders have, at the direction of the German Government, been sent out to all U-boat commanders that will exclude the torpedoing of passenger ships. However, for technical reasons, no guarantee can be undertaken that this order will reach every submarine at sea before its return.

"President Wilson describes as a fundamental condition for peace the removal of every arbitrary power that can separately, uncontrolled, and of its own single choice disturb the peace of the world. To this the German Government replies: Hitherto the Parliament of the German Empire has had no influence on the formation of the Government. The Constitution did not provide for the co-operation of Parliament in decisions on war and peace. A fundamental change has come about in this state

of affairs. A new Government has been formed in complete accord with the desires of a Parliament that has arisen from equal, general, secret, and direct suffrage. The leaders of the great parties of the Reichstag are amongst its members.

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In the future, too, no Government can enter upon or carry on its office without possessing the confidence of the majority of the Reichstag. The responsibility of the Imperial Chancellor towards Parliament is being legally extended and safeguarded. The first act of the new Government was to submit a Bill to the Reichstag so amending the Constitution of the Empire that the approval of Parliament is requisite for a decision on war and peace. A guarantee for the duration of the new system, however, does not rest only in legal guarantees, but also in the unshakable will of the German people, the great majority of whom are behind these reforms, and demand energetic persistence in prosecuting them.

"The President's question as to with whom he and the Governments associated against Germany are dealing is therefore clearly and unequivocally answered, to the effect that the peace and armistice offer issues from a Government which is free from all arbitrariness and irresponsible influence, and is supported by the approval of the overwhelming majority of the German people. Berlin, October 20.

"(Signed) Solf, Secretary of State of the Foreign Ministry." On October 22 Prince Max delivered in the Reichstag the longest of the speeches which he made whilst he was Chancellor. In this speech the Prince dealt first with the negotiations then proceeding between the American and the German Governments on the question of peace. He said that he hoped that President Wilson would make it more clear than he had hitherto done that the acceptance of the famous Fourteen Points would not be contrary to the vital interests of the German people. But, he said, the German people must realise that in future they would not be able to hold fast to the national egotism which had characterised them too much in the past. The significance of this terrible war was, before all things, a victory for the idea of justice. The speaker then turned to domestic affairs. He said that equal, direct, and secret suffrage had now been secured for Prussia through the concessions made by the more Conservative parties. It was also hoped by means of one of the new Bills just introduced into the Reichstag, to bring that House into closer touch with governmental affairs by means of establishing a special committee which would cooperate with the Imperial Chancellor. Further, Parliamentary Government had already been introduced into Alsace-Lorraine. It was, furthermore, the intention of the Government to introduce a Bill into the Reichstag for the purpose of altering Article XI. of the Imperial Constitution. The Bill which was contemplated would bring about nothing less than the parliamentarisation of the German State; for the Bill would provide

that the Reichstag would be jointly responsible with the monarch and the Government for decisions on the vital questions of war and peace. It was also the intention of the Government to extend greater liberties to the people in the way of public meetings and the freedom of the press. The Prince said that the German people had already gained further liberties in the last few weeks, though it must not be forgotten that in such questions as municipal government and the Reichstag franchise the German people enjoyed advantages which had long been the envy of the world. The people had attained further liberties, but they must beware lest in order to meet foreign criticism they adopted forms of government in which they did not sincerely believe. The Chancellor ended his speech by referring in eulogistic terms to the defence which the German Army was making against greatly superior numbers.

The chief point of historic interest in this speech was the reference to the new Bill for altering Clause XI. of the German Constitution. This was interesting as showing the death-bed attempt to parliamentarise the German Empire. According to the new Bill the amended Clause XI. would read as follows :—

"The Presidency of the Federation belongs to the King of Prussia who bears the name of German Emperor. The Emperor has to represent the Empire internationally, to declare war and to conclude peace in the name of the Empire, to enter into alliances and other treaties with Foreign Powers, to accredit and to receive Ambassadors.

"The consent of the Federal Council and of the Reichstag is necessary for the declaration of war in the name of the Empire, unless an attack on the territory or the coast of the confederation has taken place.

"Peace Treaties and those treaties with foreign States which concern subjects of Imperial legislation, require the consent of the Federal Council and of the Reichstag.

The first paragraph of this clause was left unchanged, but the two following paragraphs were worded differently in order to increase the powers and responsibility of the Reichstag. The modifications thus proposed were not really fundamental, however, since the qualification relating to an attack upon the confederation would have left the sovereign, in practice, with a wide discretion in regard to the declaration of war.

In reply to the third German Note, President Wilson stated that he was prepared to propose an armistice to the Powers associated with him (see United States). On October 28 the German Government sent a short reply to this last American Note. The reply was as follows:

"The German Government has taken cognisance of the reply of the President of the United States. The President is aware of the profound changes which are taking place in German constitutional life. The peace negotiations will be conducted by a People's Government in whose hands the

decisive powers actually and constitutionally rest. The military authorities are also subordinate to it. The German Government now awaits the proposals for an armistice, which is the prelude to a peace of justice such as President Wilson has characterised in his declaration.

"(Signed) Solf, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs."

After the exchange of these notes, the negotiations for an armistice were quickly opened, Herr Erzberger being the head of the German delegation which went to the Western Front to sue for an armistice from Marshal Foch and Admiral Wemyss.1 Whilst the final armistice negotiations were taking place, and before they were completed, a revolution took place in Germany. Prince Max's Government at the end felt even more strongly than at first the influence of the democratic wave, and at the end of October the Government brought in still more drastic proposals for the modification of the German Constitution. They proposed that any declaration of war, not excluding a declaration due to an attack upon the territory or coast of the Empire, should require the consent both of the Bundesrat and of the Reichstag. But these reforms, important though they were, were not sufficient to allay the spirit then abroad in Germany. The end came quickly to the belated attempt to convert Prussia-Germany into a truly constitutional monarchy -to the attempt to bring Prussia into line with the policy of Count Czernin, to revive and to extend to Prussia the preBismarckian monarchic tradition. At the last the only opposition to the reforms came from the Conservative Party in the Reichstag, led by Count Westarp. The Conservative leader voiced this opposition in the Reichstag, speaking with considerable eloquence and not without a certain dignity. Count Westarp said that these reforms were in truth concessions to foreign opinion. Prussia, he said, ought not to allow herself to be influenced in her domestic policy by the opinions of foreigners. If it were necessary to face defeat, the defence should be kept up to the last, for so, and so only, could the spirit of the German people be kept alive after defeat; but if concessions were made to the opinions of Germany's enemies with a view to inducing them to be more lenient, then all the spirit and the self-respect of the German nation would be destroyed. The Conservative Party, said the speaker, would oppose this course to the last. Such views were not, however, those of the parliamentary majority, and were not even supported by the National Liberals. The proposed reforms, however, as already stated, were not sufficiently fundamental to meet the disgust then felt against the ruling House by the mass of the German people.

At the beginning of November, therefore, there was a sudden outbreak of a republican movement occurring spontaneously in many parts of the country-a sudden revival of the old spirit of

1 An account of the armistice negotiations is given in "The War," Chapter III., and the terms of the armistice are given in full in "Public Documents."