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say that we legislate too much, or that too much regulation is improper, is a mere truism; there is no argument in it. I am sensible that when the Legislature do wrong, they had better do nothing-but it does not follow that nothing ought to be attempted, lest we should do wrong. Remember the unprofitable servant who made no improvment of the talent. I contend that this measure will increase the consumption of imports, and consequently will benefit the revenue. The means for revenue are imports; the means for imports are exports; and the means for exports are money. And what are the means for money? If I answer as a speculator, I say my wits; but if as a man of business, I answer hard work; productive labor-and having been always on the Committee of means, (I say nothing about the ways,) my plan is, to adopt measures which will add one cent per day to the productiveness of the labor of all the people of this Republic; which will increase the common wealth $100,000 per day, and give great means for revenue.

DECEMBER, 1822.

to the subject. I think if I can show practically that the policy, of which this bill is but an item, will add one cent per day to the productiveness of the labor of all the people of this nation, I may render some service. If I succeed in showing it, in relation to fifty thousand people, it may be the beginning of a rule to do so for the whole people. Unproductive labor, or unemployed laborers, are a great loss to the country. If fifty thousand people produce five thousand barrels of flour, or any thing else, for a foreign market, and, when sent there, it produces no more than four thousand would have done, then the one thousand extra might as well not have been produced, as respects the interest of the growers; the labor is completely wasted; onefifth of the whole fifty thousand people might as well have been idle for all the good they have done. Now I propose, in another way, to create productive labor for five hundred of those ten thousand persons whose labor has been useless. I will call them from their unproductive employment, and set them to work at making ropes; If we can discover the mode of doing this, the ropes to carry to the Spanish American markets, means of revenue will be ample; you may take it to furnish means for further imports, which are from the people in any way you please; you can the sources of revenue. And, by productive labor, leave to their own use all you now draw from these consumers will have increased means to purthem, in such a pleasant way. The $100,000 per chase imports. Five hundred persons thus called day would be ample for all the purposes of Gov-off from the unproductive business will leave all ernment; all your contracts, Cumberland road, the profits which formerly accrued to fifty thouand all. But I would, by no means, be understood sand to be divided among the remaining fortyas wishing to abandon the present mode of col- nine thousand five hundred; this will, of course, lecting revenue; nor would I be so tenacious of it increase the dividend-that is one item of the as to lose sight of every thing else. Members of gain. Another item is, that the sum of net profits Congress have lately told me, that any measures gained by the forty-nine thousand five hundred to give direction to the industry of the people will be somewhat greater than that produced by would be putting them under guardianship-that the whole fifty thousand; for the five hundred the people wish to pursue their own business in thus taken off will become purchasers of provistheir own way-that they know how to set them- ions, and make the home market a little better; selves to work better than Congress can direct may be said that they will not consume more prothem that they choose to be left free to change visions than before, which is very true, but by no their business and pursuits in life as they think means destroys the argument, because their new proper. I thought this very pretty, superficial employment gives them new means, and they talk, and all very good, so far as it goes. I have become purchasers, which they were not before. no disposition, if I could do it, to abridge the liberties of the people; but still I would regulate trade, and leave the people perfectly free to act for themselves under the laws. Nothing, Mr. President, but the restrictive laws would have made me a cotton spinner and weaver. I should as soon have thought of going back to spinning tops again as to spinning cotton, but for the restrictive laws; and it has appeared to me, for several years, that there was about as much necessity for our statesmen to look about them as in those restrictive times. It cannot be said that the people have not given power. Congress has gone all lengths in the exercise of this power-even to stop the whole commerce of the nation, and, with it, the revenue. This was surely giving some direction to that great branch of business which gives direction to all others at a time, too, when by great and mighty changes from war to peace, we had lost our markets by the restrictions of other nations; though they did not lose their markets with us; we have not met restriction by restriction, but in a very trifling degree. But to return

it

With these two items, I think my one cent nearly gained; the foreign and domestic markets both made better-less to go to the foreign, and more means for the domestic. But if I am charged with extravagance in these two items, I have two answers to the charge. I will show you enough without them, to make good my purpose-to make out my case: and those who deny the strength of the grounds I have taken, may set the other 49,500 idle, or worse than idle, persons at work in some other way. Now, sir, I will show you how to save the one cent per day, by another mode of calculation-I mean the produce of the 500 people, who earned nothing before; I take only the moderate quantity of 1,000 tons of Russian hemp-I must have 200 of the people, all the year round, to manufacture this hemp into cordage, and the remaining 300 to navigate the ships engaged in the trade. The young men of the Eastern States make the best of seamen-the ocean is their mistress-when the other lasses prove unkind, they take to the ocean. I must also have, to carry my plan into execution, 2,000 tons of shipping to bring

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DECEMBER, 1822.

Drawback on Cordage.

the hemp, 1,000 to take the cordage to market,
making 3,000 tons; and about 4,000 barrels of tar,
from the pine woods of my worthy friends from
North Carolina; although they say the tar would
find a market elsewhere so it may be said of
cotton, and all other articles; but there is some-
thing in having a home market; it is always most
safe and permanent; the cultivators of the sugar
cane, of butter, cheese, and many other things,
acknowledge the superiority of the home market.
The coasting trade, in carrying the tar, and the
people employed in making it, will be benefited
a little. But I have support enough, without
bringing those trifles into the computation.
The manufacturing of 100 tons of hemp, at 30 dollars
the ton, is
$30,000

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250 tons of cordage, gained in weight by the addition of the tar, at $210 per ton, is

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Deduct for 4,000 bbls. tar, at 12 dollars per barrel

Amount from which the manufacturer may
pay his 200 people
Freight of 1,000 tons of hemp from Russia -
Do. of cordage to Spanish America

These additional means will richly make up any deficiency of the one cent per day for the 49,500, people and more than pay for the labor of the 500.

But, as I am not disposed to give too much to those unprofitable servants, who are for doing nothing these hard times, I take the Jone cent per day which my measure saves to the 49,500 people, which amounts, per

And charge to the Senate, for not passing the bill at the last session, the whole amount

52,500

7,500

SENATE.

a regret at his absence, and, as his friends told him, had thrown a glove upon the floor, which he must take up. This he would therefore do, from an impulse of his nature, which he feared, on many occasions, would manifest that his rashness was only exceeded by his feebleness. He took it up, too, with the more readiness, as it could alone be presented or received in amity. The gentleman from Rhode Island did very little justice to the confidence he reposed in his project, if he supposed he was averse to it. So far from it, he went with him the whole length of what he considered the extent of his views, when he understood him to state, that this was the precursor of a system of measures to encourage the commerce of the country; and, if the bill passed, he meant to extend it to other articles.

Mr. L. said it had been a general, and, in some degree, a popular belief, that the allowance of a $82,500 drawback on foreign articles exported, was, in fact, an extraction of so much money from the public Treasury; a diminution of the revenue. No idea could possibly be more unfounded and fallacious; so far from it, the most salutary and beneficent feature of the whole commercial and fiscal system of the country was the introduction of the allowance of drawback on exportations of foreign commodities, which had been previously imported. He meant to take up but little of the time of the Senate, but he would briefly state some of its effects.

$75,000
30,000

20,000

$125,500

$154,935

$280,435

And this constitutes but one small item of the load of sin of omission which Congress will have to answer for.

Now, gentlemen may say, this is only a visionary scheme, very easy to be shown on paper. But they may rest assured that I am no dealer in visions; they will find something solid in it; and if the bill is not passed, I hope the people will hold up the black catalogue on election day, and call the attention of gentlemen to it, if I cannot. In this calculation, I have said nothing of the profits to be derived by the merchant; I leave them with the lawyers, to take care of themselves. When Mr. D'WOLF concluded

Mr. LLOYD, of Massachusetts, then rose, and said he would ask the indulgence of the Senate only for a few minutes; he was not entitled, at any time, to claim it for a long period, but still less than common, at present, as he had not intended entering into the discussion of the bill, and was not prepared to do it; but, being absent on public business, he had understood that the honorable gentleman from Rhode Island had expressed

From the only record to which he could have access, it would appear that, in a period of ten years, from 1802 to 1812, the whole amount of exports from the United States, was from seven to eight hundred millions of dollars, of which, upwards of three hundred millions of dollars consisted of articles of foreign produce, previously imported into the United States; during which time our tonnage amounted to from eight hundred to a million of tons of shipping, nearly one half of which, or from four to five hundred thousand tons of shipping, were employed in this commerce, resulting exclusively from the allowance of drawbacks; thus giving to our navigation two freights, and the ultimate profit on the adventures; all which was deposited in Europe, and went to the extinction of that portentous balance, which, in the eyes of some political economists, had menaced us with destruction and bankruptcy for the last thirty years; and, without the allowance of which, with our very onerous rate of duties, not one dollar could have been exported; for, although in some years the importation might be less, in some more, yet, on an average of ten years, the importation must, of necessity, without the allowance of drawback, be limited to the actual domestic consumption, and, in consequence, our commerce would have been crippled, our seamen reduced one half, and our revenue been diminished; as, with its allowance, the drawback never being equal to the duty, a residuum is always left in the public treasury.

This prosperous state of things had, indeed, in * Seybert's Statistics.

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considerable degree, ceased; circumstances might, however, bring it back again; and if it returned, or existed at all, it could only exist beneficially. The allowance of drawback had indeed been the great and fruitful source of our prosperity; from the encouragement it gave to commerce, it built up our cities, gave wealth to our merchants, and embellishment to the interior. He, therefore, warmly advocated the allowance of an extended system of drawback. There was but one difficulty to be guarded against, and he was willing to state that, and to meet it. This was the difficulty in preventing frauds in identifying the articles imported when in a raw state, and when exported in a state of manufacture. It was true, perhaps, that, in some cases, in proportion to the skill and adroitness of the manufacturer of the article, might be the deterioration of the article; that the more glue or starch there was in cotton, the thinner the window glass, or the more tar in the cordage, the worse the fabric, but the greater the profit to the maker. All this might be guarded against in the details of the bill; the objections did not affect the principle; and, if gentlemen thought differently, as the bill had heretofore been unsuccessfully before the Senate, there was one way in which the difficulty could, at any rate, be cured, and he, for one, would readily resort to it; it would be interesting to a very fertile and important part of the country, entitled, for its fertility and its population, to an equal degree of patronage and protection with any other part of the United States. He alluded to the western part of the country; and he would, for his own part, also be willing to allow a bounty on Kentucky hemp, when made into cordage, and exported, to keep pace with the drawback on manufactured foreign hemp. The present state of the agriculture of that country required protection as well as our commerce; nor was he afraid of the effect on the Treasury; the receipts would be abundant; we had now a surplus; our revenue was ample; we were curtailing our establishments, and annually diminishing our public debt; and, although our importations might fall off the next year, they would not materially lessen. There was one cause, not generally taken into view, to prevent it, the operation of which we neither would nor could retard; that was, the annual addition, from the increase of our population, alone, of five hundred thousand human beings to the class of consumers. He said he hoped the bill would pass.

Mr. TALBOT, of Kentucky, then moved to amend the bill, so as to allow a bounty on cordage manufactured from domestic hemp as well as a drawback on that manufactured from foreign hemp.

And, without taking a question on this proposed amendment, the bill was then again ordered to lie on the table.

MONDAY, December 30.

EDWARD LLOYD, from the State of Maryland, attended this day.

DECEMBER, 1822.

JOHN TAYLOR, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of Virginia, in place of James Pleasants, resigned, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the Senate.

Mr. RODNEY presented the petition of the President and Directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, praying the aid of the General Government. The petition was read, and referred to the Committee on Roads and Canals.

Mr. TALBOT submitted the following motion for consideration:

Resolved, That the Committee on Roads and Canals be instructed to inquire into the expediency of authorizing a subscription, on behalf of the Government of the United States, of a certain portion of the stock of the Ohio, as well as of the Delaware and Chesapeake Canal Companies, or of any other company which has been incorporated within the United States for the improvement of internal commerce and navigation.

Mr. RUGGLES, from the Committee of Claims, to which the subject was referred, made a report, accompanied with a bill for the relief of Joseph Forrest. The report and bill were read, and the bill passed to the second reading.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, presented the petition of James Morrison, of Kentucky, praying relief in the settlement of his accounts. The petition was read, and referred to the Committee of Claims.

On motion, by Mr. RUGGLES, the Committee of Claims, to which was referred, on the 19th instant, the petition of James Lloyd, of Virginia, praying compensation for certain services rendered, and expenses incurred, were discharged from the further consideration thereof, and it was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. SOUTHARD, from the Committee on the Judiciary, to which was referred, on the 27th ininstant, the petition of Samuel N. Smallwood, and others, citizens of the District of Columbia, praying certain amendments to the laws of the District, reported that the prayer of the petitioners ought not to be granted.

Mr. SOUTHARD, from the same committee, to which was referred the bill to abolish imprisonment for debt, reported the same, without amendment; and, on motion, by Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, it was taken up, as in Committee of the Whole; and, on his motion, the further consideration thereof was postponed to, and made the order of the day for, Monday next.

The resolution for a new rule for conducting business in the Senate, as it respects private bills, was read the second time; and, on motion by Mr. RODNEY, laid on the table.

Mr. SOUTHARD submitted the following motion for consideration:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the expediency of continuing in force the act, entitled "An act to provide for reports of the decisions of the Supreme Court," passed the third day of March, 1817.

The bill, entitled "An act to make perpetual an

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DECEMBER, 1822.

Drawback on Cordage.

act, passed the third day of March, 1817, entitled 'An act to continue in force an act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports and tonnage,' passed third day of March, 1815, and for other purposes," was read the second time; and, on motion by Mr. LowRIE, referred to the Committee on Finance.

The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the consideration of the bill for the relief of the representatives of John Donelson, Thomas Carr, and others; and, no amendment having been made thereto, it was reported to the House; and ordered to be engrossed, and read a third

time.

The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the consideration of the bill for the relief of Ebenezer Stevens, and others; and, on motion, it was laid on the table.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill appropriating moneys for the purpose of repairing the national road from Cumberland to Wheeling; and the further consideration thereof was postponed to, and made the order of the day for, to-morrow.

SENATE.

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This bill has been introduced with the avowed object of promoting the manufactures of this country; and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. LLOYD) is willing also to promote the agriculture amendment. So far as this bill, with its amendof the Western States, by adopting the proposed ment, would protect the manufacturing and agricultural interests of the country, it must be by a system of bounties; a system which, as yet, has only been extended to those engaged in the fisheThe Senate resumed, as in Committee of the ries in the Eastern States. The friends of manuWhole, the consideration of the bill for the relief factures in the United States have asked for proof Alexander Humphrey and Sylvester Hum-tection, not bounties. They have asked that the phrey; and, no amendment having been made thereto, it was reported to the House; and ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time.

The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the consideration of the bill for the relief of Robert Purdy; and the further consideration thereof was postponed until to-morrow.

DRAWBACK ON CORDAGE.

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The Senate then resumed, in Committee of the Whole, the consideration of the bill to allow a drawback on the exportation of cordage manufactured from imported hemp-the amendment posed on Friday by Mr. TALBOT, to extend the bounty to cordage manufactured from domestic as well as foreign hemp, being the question first in order.

home market should be sacred to them; not that they should be enabled to compete with the foreign manufacturers in foreign markets. They have no great desire to manufacture cordage for our neighbors, of foreign materials, by which a very slight increase of value is given to the raw material-five per cent. perhaps; while we send our cotton across the Atlantic to be manufactured, and bring it back for our own consumption, after it is increased in value five hundred per cent.

The friends of manufactures wish, in the first place, to be so far protected by Congress, as to be enabled to manufacture such articles as we want On this proposition to amend the bill, as well for our own consumption, and out of materials the as on the bill itself, a debate followed, which oc- produce of our country. How sparingly this procupied about three hours-embracing, besides ar-tection has been afforded, will appear by an exguments and views of general policy, numerous amination of our products. We import, of woolcommercial details, of which even a condensed len and cotton goods alone, at the rate of about sketch would occupy much space. The following was the course of the debate:

Mr. TALBOT submitted the reasons which induced him to offer the amendment; which, however, he was not very anxious for, not being fully aware of all its effects; but with which the bill would be more acceptable to him, and without which he could not vote for it.

Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, spoke at considerable length against the amendment, as containing a principle new in our system of domestic policy, hazardous and inexpedient, and argued in favor of the bill, as proposing a measure consistent with the course of the Government from its origin, and one which had greatly benefited the enter prise, the private wealth, and public prosperity of

the nation.

sixteen millions of dollars a year, and of other ar-
ticles nine or ten millions; seven-eighths of which
we ought to manufacture for ourselves, of domes-
tic materials. And to this circumstance is entirely
owing the pecuniary distress of the country. And
while we were despairing of being able to afford
a remedy for this evil, we are all at once surprised
with an offer of protection, by a system of boun-
ties; and this offer, too, from the East. The in-
dustry of the Eastern States has long been fostered
by a system of bounties extended to their fisheries.
To this the middle and manufacturing States have
cheerfully contributed. The favor, heretofore, has
not been reciprocated, though often asked;
but now,
it seems, the debt is to be discharged. The gen-
tleman from Massachusetts thinks the prosperous
state of our finances will warrant Congress in

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adopting the system of bounties proposed by the amendment to this bill.

DECEMBER, 1822.

As the American tonnage is exceeded by that of no nation except Great Britain, it may be assumed as a safe position, that the cordage wanted for our own shipping would be five times as much as we could sell in the West Indies and South America, even if we had the whole market to ourselves, which we never shall have.

portance of his bill. He charges Congress with $280,000 for having neglected to pass his bill last But, unfortunately for us, the proposed amend- session. We might, he says, have made and exment, however well intended, will not, in the ported a thousand tons of cordage during the last slightest degree, promote the interest of agriculture year, for which we should have received one hunor manufactures. The gentleman (Mr. D'WOLF) dred and fifty dollars per ton. This, however, who introduced this bill, informs us that forty- would amount to no more than $150,000. Therenine fiftieths of all the hemp manufactured or fore, our loss could be no more than this sum, if consumed in the United States is imported from our good friends, the Russians, had given us the Europe; and, for this plain reason, that notwith-hemp, and it had cost nothing to import, manustanding the duty on foreign hemp, the expense facture, and export it; but a thousand tons of of importation, and other charges, it can still be cordage is about twice the quantity we shall be purchased in our market on better terms, or at a able to sell in the West Indies and South America. lower price than the domestic hemp. This has long been the case, and will continue to be so, unless we increase the duty on hemp, which does not appear to be any part of the plan of gentlemen who introduced this bill. The gentleman from Kentucky thinks that, by extending the drawback to the cordage made by domestic as well as foreign hemp, it will add to the price of the domestic hemp, and thus promote the agriculture of the Western States. But nothing can be more fallacious. No part of this bounty would ever reach a pound of domestic hemp in consequence of this amendment. The person about to purchase hemp, to be manufactured into cordage, for exportation, would buy that which he could procure on the best terms; that, at present, would be the foreign hemp, by half a cent per pound. No domestic hemp, of course, would be purchased for this purpose. This bill, with its amendment, gives a bounty of a cent per pound to the domestic as well as the foreign hemp. The difference in favor of the foreign hemp would still be the same it was before, that is, half a cent per pound; and of course none of the domestic hemp would be purchased for this manufacture. The bounty, therefore, would not reach the domestic, but would produce an excessive importation of Russia hemp. And, as the conditions required for exportation of cordage for the benefit of drawback, as the quantity to be exported must be at least ten tons, (about the value of fifteen hundred dollars,) and in vessels of not less than sixty tons burden, would frequently not be complied with, large quantities of hemp, imported for exportation, would remain on hand, and glut the domestic market, and thus put an end to produce of domestic hemp; while the whole of the manufacture and exportation of cordage would be confined to a few large capitalists in our seaport towns.

This cannot be considered as a bill for the encouragement of domestic manufactures, because the slight additional value given to the raw material, by the manufacture of cordage, is of no importance when compared with other objects that demand our attention. And it is calculated materially to injure agriculture.

It may, however, be considered as a bill in favor of the shipping interest, and, as such, demands our serious attention. And if it can be made to serve that interest, without prejudice to other important interests, it will be our duty to vote for it. I must be permitted to believe that the gentleman from Rhode Island greatly overrates the im

I will endeavor to make an estimate of the amount of cordage required for our own shipping, by taking an average of the four years, 1817, 1818, 1819, and 1820. The portion of domestic hemp made use of, being very small, is not taken into the calculation. In those four years we imported, of cables and tarred cordage, 684 tons; and, during the same time, exported 400 tons, upon which a drawback was allowed; leaving 284 tons for our own ships. It appears from this that nearly five-eighths of the whole imported, was afterwards exported for the benefit of drawback. It is believed, however, by those who are acquainted with our commerce and shipping, that a large portion of this cordage, 200 tons at least, thus exported, has been transferred again to our own ships, and appropriated to the rigging of those ships, by which the revenue has been defrauded to the amount of thirteen or fourteen thousand dollars. In the year 1817, the quantity exported exceeded the quantity imported by nearly ten tons. This might have arisen from a surplus of imports the preceding year; affording a just ground to suspect fraud. If we add these 200 tons to the 284 tons, it will inake 484 tons of cordage for our own shipping. Deduct 20 per cent. for the tar, and it will leave 366 tons of hemp contained in this cordage.

During the same years, we imported 14,151 tons of hemp; of this, we will suppose one-third part was made use of for other purposes of manufacture than cables and cordage. This will leave 9,434 tons, to which add the 366 tons contained in the imported cordage, and it amounts to 9,797 tons of hemp, for our whole shipping for four years, or 2,449 tons per year. The fifth part of which quantity, 489 tons, or, at most, 500 tons, is as much as we can hope to sell to the people of South America and the West Indies. This, however, is exclusive of about 100 tons a year, which would be fraudulently exported and made use of for rigging our own vessels.

As the hemp of which this cordage is made, is to be paid for, together with charges for importation, manufacture, and exportation; and, as it must be sold at the lowest profit, as otherwise the

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