Maxentius.

congratulated their master on this important success, they ventured to add some respectful complaints, of such a nature, however, as the most jealous monarchs will listen to without displeasure. They represented to Constantine, that, not contented with all the duties of a commander, he had exposed his own person with an excess of valour which almost degenerated into rashness; and they conjured him for the future to pay more regard to the preservation of a life, in which the safety of Rome and of the empire was involved (59).

Indolence While Constantine signalized his conduct and valour in the field, and of the sovereign of Italy appeared insensible of the calamities and danger of a civil war which raged in the heart of his dominions. Pleasure was still the only business of Maxentius. Concealing, or at least attempting to conceal, from the public knowledge the misfortunes of his arms (60), he indulged himself in a vain confidence,. which deferred the remedies of the approaching evil, without deferring the evil itself (61). The rapid progress of Constantine (62) was scarcely sufficient to awaken him from this fatal security; he flattered himself, that his well-known liberality, and the majesty of the Roman name, which had already delivered him from two invasions, would dissipate with the same facility the rebellious army of Gaul. The officers of experience and ability, who had served under the banners of Maximian, were at length compelled to inform his effeminate son of the imminent danger to which he was reduced; and, with a freedom that at once surprised and convinced him, to urge the necessity of preventing his ruin, by a vigorous exertion of his remaining power. The resources of Maxentius, both of men and money, were still considerable. The Prætorian guards felt how strongly their own interest and safety were connected with his cause; and a third army was soon collected, more numerous than those which had been lost in the battles of Turin and Verona. It was far from the intention of the emperor to lead his troops in person. A stranger to the exercises of war, he trembled at the apprehension of so dangerous a contest; and as fear is commonly. superstitious, he listened with melancholy attention to the rumours of omens and presages which seemed to menace his life and empire. Shame at length supplied the place of courage, and forced him to take the field. He was unable to sustain the contempt of the Roman people. The circus resounded with their indignant clamours, and they tumultuously besieged the gates of the palace,

(59) Panegyr. Vet. ix. 10.

(60) Literas calamitatum suarum indices supprimebat. Panegyr. Vet. ix. 15.

(61) Remedia malorum potius quam mala differebat, is the fine censure which Tacitus passes on the supine indolence of Vitellius.

(62) The Marquis Maffei has made it extremely probable that Constantine was still at Verona, the 1st of September, A. D. 311, and that the memorable æra of the indictions was dated from his con quest of the Cisalpine Gaul.

Before Maxentius
The guardians of
arts of this world

reproaching the pusillanimity of their indolent sovereign, and cele-
brating the heroic spirit of Constantine (63).
left Rome, he consulted the Sibylline books.
these ancient oracles were as well versed in the
as they were ignorant of the secrets of fate; and they returned
him a very prudent answer, which might adapt itself to the
event, and secure their reputation whatever should be the chance
of arms (64).

The celerity of Constantine's march has been compared to the rapid conquest of Italy by the first of the Cæsars; nor is the flattering parallel repugnant to the truth, of history, since no more than fifty-eight days elapsed between the surrender of Verona and the final decision of the war. Constantine had always apprehended that the tyrant would consult the dictates of fear, and perhaps of prudence; and that, instead of risking his last hopes in a general engagement, he would shut himself up within the walls of Rome. His ample magazines secured him against danger of famine; and as the situation of Constantine admitted not of delay, he might have béen reduced to the sad necessity of destroying with fire and sword the Imperial city, the noblest reward of his victory, and the deliverance of which had been the motiye, or rather indeed the pretence, of the civil war (65). It was with equal surprise and pleasure, that on his arrival at a place called Saxa Rubra, about nine miles from Rome (66), he discovered the army of Maxentius prepared to give him battle (67). Their long front filled a very spaciousplain, and their deep array reached to the banks of the Tiber, which covered their rear, and forbade their retreat. We are informed, and we may believe, that Constantine disposed his troops. with consummate skill, and that he chose for himself the post of honour and danger. Distinguished by the splendour of his arms, he charged in person the cavalry of his rival; and his irresistible attack determined the fortune of the day. The cavalry of Maxentius was principally composed either of unwieldy cuirassiers, or of light Moors and Numidians. They yielded to the vigour of the Gallic horse, which possessed more activity than the one, more firmness than the other. The defeat of the two wings left the in

(63) See Panegyr. Vet. xi. 16. Lactantius de M. P. c. 44.

(64) Illo die bostem Romanorum esse periturum. The vanquished prince became of course the enemy of Rome.

(65) See Panegyr. Vet. ix. 16. x. 27. The former of these orators magnifies the hoards of corn, which Maxentius had collected from Africa and the Islands. And yet, if there is any truth in the scarcity mentioned by Eusebius (in Vit. Constantin. 1. i. c. 36.), the Imperial granaries must have been open only to the soldiers.

(66) Maxentius... tandem urbe in Saxa Rubra, millia ferme novem ægerrime progressus. Aurelius Victor. See Cellarius Geograph. Antiq. tom. i. p. 463. Saxa Rubra was in the neighbourhood of the Cremera, a trifling rivulet, illustrated by the valour and glorious death of the three hundred Fabii.

(67) The post which Maxentius had taken, with the Tiber in his rear, is very clearly described by the two Panegyrists, ix. 16. x. 28.

Victory of near Rome.

Constantine

A. D. 312.
Oct. 28.

་

fantry without any protection on its flanks, and the undisci
plined Italians fled without reluctance from the standard of a tyrant
whom they had always hated, and whom they no longer feared.
The Prætorians, conscious that their offences were beyond the
reach of mercy, were animated by revenge and despair. Notwith-
standing their repeated efforts, those brave veterans were unable
to recover the victory: they obtained, however, an honourable
death; and it was observed that their bodies covered the same
ground which had been occupied by their ranks (68). The con-
fusion then became general, and the dismayed troops of Maxentius,
pursued by an implacable enemy, rushed by thousands into the
deep and rapid stream of the Tiber.
The emperor himself at-
tempted to escape back into the city over the Milvian bridge, but
the crowds which pressed together through that narrow passage
forced him into the river, where he was immediately drowned by
the weight of his armour (69). His body, which had sunk very
deep into the mud, was found with some difficulty the next day.
The sight of his head, when it was exposed to the eyes of the people,
convinced them of their deliverance, and admonished them to re-
ceive, with acclamations of loyalty and gratitude, the fortunate
Constantine, who thus achieved by his valour and ability the most
splendid enterprise of his life (70).

His reception, In the use of victory, Constantine neither deserved the praise of clemency, nor incurred the censure of immoderate rigour (71). He inflicted the same treatment, to which a defeat would have exposed his own person and family, put to death the two sons of the tyrant, and carefully extirpated his, whole race. The most distinguished adherents of Maxentius must have expected to share his

(68) Exceptis latrocinii illius primis auctoribus, qui desperata venia, locum quem pugnæ sumpserant texere corporibus. Panegyr. Vet. ix. 17.

(69) A very idle rumour soon prevailed, that Maxentius, who had not taken any precaution for his own retreat, had contrived a very artful snare to destroy the army of the pursuers; but that the wooden bridge which was to have been loosened on the approach of Constantine, unluckily broke. down under the weight of the flying Italians. M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. part. i. p. 576.) very seriously examines whether, in contradiction to common sense, the testimony of Eusebius and Zosimus ought to prevail over the silence of Lactantius, Nazarius, and the anonymous, but contemporary orator, who composed the ninth Panegyric. *

(70) Zosimus, 1. ii. p. 86-88., and the two Panegyrics, the former of which was pronounced a few months afterwards, afford the clearest notion of this great battle. Lactantius, Eusebius, and even the Epitomes, supply several useful hints.

(71) Zosimus, the enemy of Constantine, allows (1. ii. p. 88.), that only a few of the friends of Maxentius were put to death; but we may remark the expressive passage of Nazarius (Panegyr. Vet. x. 6.). Omnibus qui labefactari statum ejus poterant cum stirpe deletis. † The other orator (Pa negyr. Vet. ix. 20, 21.) contents himself with observing, that Constantine, when he entered Rome, did not imitate the cruel massacres of Cinna, of Marius, or of Sylla.

*Manso (Beylage, vi.) examines the question, and adduces two manifest allusions to the bridge from the Life of Constantine by Praxagoras, and from Libanius. Is it not very probable that such a bridge was thrown over the river to facilitate the advance, and to secure the retreat, of the army of Maxentius? In case of defeat, orders were given

for destroying it in order to check the pursuit: it broke down accidentally, or in the confusion was destroyed, as has not unfrequently been the case, before the proper time,-M.

+ This may refer to the son or sons of Maxentius.-M.

fate, as they had shared his prosperity and his crimes; but when the Roman people loudly demanded a greater number of victims, the conqueror resisted, with firmness and humanity, those servile clamours, which were dictated by flattery as well as by resentment. Informers were punished and discouraged; the innocent, who had suffered under the late tyranny, were recalled from exile, and restored to their estates. A general act of oblivion quieted the minds and settled the property of the people, both in Italy and in Africa (72). The first time that Constantine honoured the senate with his presence, he recapitulated his own services and exploits in a modest oration, assured that illustrious order of his sincere re gard, and promised to re-establish its ancient dignity and privileges. The grateful senate repaid these unmeaning professions by the empty titles of honour, which it was yet in their power to bestow; and without presuming to ratify the authority of Constantine, they passed a decree to assign him the first rank among the three Augusti who governed the Roman world (73). Games and festivals were instituted to preserve the fame of his victory, and several edifices, raised at the expense of Maxentius, were dedicated to the honour of his successful rival. The triumphal arch of Constantine still remains a melancholy proof of the decline of the arts, and a singular testimony of the meanest vanity. As it was not possible to find in the capital of the empire a sculptor who was capable of adorning that public monument, the arch of Trajan, without any respect either for his memory or for the rules of propriety, was stripped of its most elegant figures. The difference of times and persons, of actions and characters, was totally disregarded. The Parthian captives appear prostrate at the feet of a prince who never carried his arms beyond the Euphrates; and curious antiquarians can still discover the head of Trajan on the trophies of Constantine. The new ornaments which it was necessary to introduce between the vacancies of ancient sculpture, are executed in the rudest and most unskilful manner (74).

The final abolition of the Prætorian guards was a measure of and conduct prudence as well as of revenge. Those haughty troops, whose at Rome. numbers and privileges had been restored, and even augmented, by Maxentius, were for ever suppressed by Constantine. Their fortified camp was destroyed, and the few Prætorians who had escaped the fury of the sword, were dispersed among the legions, and banished to the frontiers of the empire, where they might be service

(72) See the two Panegyrics, and the laws of this and the ensuing year, in the Theodosian Code. (73) Panegyr. Vet. ix. 20. Lactantius de M. P. c. 44. Maximin, who was confessedly the eldest Cæsar, claimed, with some show of reason, the first rank among the Augusti,

(74) Adhuc cuncta opera quæ magnifice construxerat, urbis fanum, atque basilicam, Flavii meritis patres sacravere. Aurelius Victor. With regard to the theft of Trajan's trophies, consult Flaminius Vacca, apud Montfaucon, Diarium Italicum, p. 250., and l'Antiquité Expliquée of the latter, tom. iv. p. 171.

His alliance with Licinius.

March.

able without again becoming dangerous (75). By suppressing the
troops which were usually stationed in Rome, Constantine gave the
fatal blow to the dignity of the senate and people, and the dis-
armed capital was exposed without protection to the insults or
neglect of its distant master. We may observe, that in this last
effort to preserve their expiring freedom, the Romans, from the
apprehension of a tribute, had raised Maxentius to the throne.
He exacted that tribute from the senate under the name of a free
gift. They implored the assistance of Constantine. He van-
quished the tyrant, and converted the free gift into a perpetual tax.
The senators, according to the declaration which was required of
their property, were divided into several classes.
The most opu-
lent paid annually eight pounds of gold, the next class paid four,
the last two, and those whose poverty might have claimed an
exemption were assessed however at seven pieces of gold. Besides
the regular members of the senate, their sons, their descendants,
and even their relations, enjoyed the vain privileges, and supported
the heavy burdens, of the senatorial order; nor will it any longer
excite our surprise, that Constantine should be attentive to increase
the number of persons who were included under so useful a de-
scription (76). After the defeat of Maxentius, the victorious em→
peror passed no more than two or three months in Rome, which
he visited twice during the remainder of his life, to celebrate the
solemn festivals of the tenth and of the twentieth years of his reign.
Constantine was almost perpetually in motion to exercise the le-
gions, or to inspect the state of the provinces. Treves, Milan,
Aquileia, Sirmium, Naissus, and Thessalonica, were the occasional
places of his residence, till he founded a NEW ROME on the confines
of Europe and Asia (77).

Before Constantine marched into Italy, he had secured the A. D. 313. friendship, or at least the neutrality, of Licinius, the Illyrian emperor. He had promised his sister Constantia in marriage to that prince; but the celebration of the nuptials was deferred till after the conclusion of the war, and the interview of the two emperors at Milan, which was appointed for that purpose, appeared to cement the union of their families and interests (78). In the midst

(75) Prætoriæ legiones ac subsidia factionibus aptiora quam urbi Romæ, sublata penitus; simul arma atque usus indumenti militaris. Aurelius Victor. Zosimus (1. ii. p. 89.) mentions this fact as an historian, and it is very pompously celebrated in the ninth Panegyric.

(76) Ex omnibus provinciis optimates viros Curiæ tuæ pigneraveris; ut Senatus dignitas. . . . ex totius Orbis flore consisteret. Nazarius in Panegyr. Vet. x. 35. The word pigneraveris might almost seem maliciously chosen. Concerning the senatorial tax, see Zosimus, 1. ii. p. 115. the second title of the sixth book of the Theodosian Code, with Godefroy's Commentary, and Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 726.

(77) From the Theodosian Code, we may now begin to trace the motions of the emperors; but the dates both of time and place have frequently been altered by the carelessness of transcribers.

(78) Zosimus (1-ii. p. 89.) observes, that before the war the sister of Constantine had been betrothed to Licinius. According to the younger Victor, Diocletian was invited to the nuptials; but having ventured to plead his age and infirmities, he received a second letter filled with reproaches for his supposed partiality to the cause of Maxentius and Maximin,.