generally believed to have induced the ministry to take some important steps towards mitigating the horrors of slavery. Despatches had been sent to the governors of the West India Islands, recommending the making provision for the religious instruction of the negroes-the consequent abolition of Sunday-markets-the abolition of the practice of flogging female slaves the regulation of the punishment of male slaves-the prevention of the separation of husband and wife, and of infant children from their mothers, on the sale of slaves-the giving security to the property of slaves by establishing banks of deposit the establishment of facilities for the manumission of slaves-and finally the allowing the evidence of slaves to be received under certain regulations in courts of justice. As these recommendations were obviously distasteful to the colonial legislatures, they were introduced into some of the colonies immediately dependent on the crown, a circumstance which greatly exasperated the slave-owners who constituted the House of Assembly in Jamaica. Canning rebuked the insolence, and exposed the folly, of these violent men; and though he did not go so far as the more ardent abolitionists desired, he introduced many great improvements, and prepared way for many more.

Canning also shared in the reputation which Huskisson acquired, by his great ameliorations in the commercial code of the country. The abolition of bounties and of duties on import between England and Ireland, the substitution of an ad valorem duty for the prohibition of the import of silks, and the repeal of the Combination Laws, effected much for that complete emancipation of industry and trade which it will be the chief glory of our age to have consummated.

CHAPTER XII.

PROGNOSTICS OF THE DISSOLUTION OF THE LIVERPOOL

MINISTRY.

HUSKISSON's reforms had greatly increased the commercial prosperity of England;-the character of the country never stood higher in the eyes of foreign nations;-and this substantial and solid improvement was to appearance magnified by the operation of the many joint-stock companies which had sprung into existence in spite of the opposition of the Lord Chancellor. Still there were some obvious signs that the cabinet was divided into sections, daily becoming more and more alienated from each other. Eldon took little pains to conceal his hatred of Canning; Peel, though more cautious, could not hide his mortification at finding the Home Office quite eclipsed by the Foreign Office; and Canning began to exhibit more cordiality for the leaders of the Opposition, than for the Eldon section of his own colleagues. The Catholic question, as we have seen, assumed quite a new phase under the auspices of the Catholic Association. That body assumed to be the representatives and protectors of the Catholic population of Ireland; and in this capacity their debates began to be considered hardly less important than those of the imperial parliament. The language used, and the course of conduct adopted, had attracted the anxious notice of the government; it was understood that measures would be taken to check their violence in the course of the session of 1825, but such an apprehension, instead of inspiring O'Connell and

his supporters with moderation, only stimulated them to fresh menace and defiance.

A great majority of the Catholic aristocracy and gentry, including some of the leading prelates, viewed the proceedings of the association with some alarm, and became anxious for the settlement of the Catholic question, more through dread of the evil consequences likely to result from delay, than from anxiety to reap the advantages which admission to their constitutional franchises and privileges would open. Plunkett cordially shared in these feelings; he had not only rejected all the advances of the association, but had commenced an abortive prosecution against O'Connell. He had claimed and kept a wide discretion as to the time and mode of introducing the Catholic question; and when he proposed his intention of bringing it forward in 1825, it was believed, on very plausible grounds, that he had strong hopes, if not certain assurances, of success. It was whispered that Lord Liverpool had been gained, and that Peel had been shaken; both were said to be disgusted by the obstinate bigotry with which Lord Eldon resisted every concession; and those who pretended to know the secrets of the court, averred that the king was not unfavourable to a settlement of the question.

Though these reports were effectively contradicted by subsequent events, they doubtless had some foundation in truth: Lord Liverpool earnestly desired such a conjuncture as would seem to coerce him into terminating a discussion which had been prolonged for a quarter of a century, and Peel would have gladly withdrawn for a season from public life, to afford an opportunity for getting rid of a subject, which he already felt to be irksome, and which he foresaw would lead to future embarrassments. Filled with the hope that something effective was about to be done, the people of Ireland were ready to yield up the association as a peace-offering. O'Connell

himself showed strong dispositions to be conciliated, but he did not so far yield to hope, as to abandon prudence; he arranged his plans for a new and more formidable agitation in case of disappointment.

The king's speech, at the opening of the session, was of a neutral character, but had on the whole rather a liberal tendency, which gave some annoyance to the chancellor, who wrote to his daughter, that "he liked neither the composition nor the matter of the speech." The most important passages in the document, connected with our immediate subject, are the following paragraphs :

"There never was a period, in the history of this country, when all the great interests of the nation were at the same time in so thriving a condition, or when a feeling of content and satisfaction was more widely diffused through all classes of the British people.

"It is no small addition to the gratification of his Majesty, that Ireland is participating in the general prosperity. The outrages, for the suppression of which extraordinary powers were confided to his Majesty, have so far ceased, as to warrant the suspension of the exercise of those powers in most of the districts heretofore disturbed.

"Industry and commercial enterprise are extending themselves in that part of the United Kingdom. It is therefore the more to be regretted, that associations should exist in Ireland, which have adopted proceedings irreconcilable with the spirit of the constitution, and calculated, by exciting alarm, and by exasperating animosities, to endanger the peace of society, and retard the course of national improvement.

"His Majesty relies upon your wisdom to consider, without delay, the means of applying a remedy to the evil.”

The use of the plural "associations" was intended to convey the impression that government, in a spirit of fairness, had resolved to put down the Orange societies, as well as the

Catholic Association; and Lord Francis Egerton, who moved the address, very prudently joined both in the same condemnation. Brougham took the lead in opposition; his object was to induce Canning and his friends to press the Catholic question on their colleagues, averring that Lord Eldon's love of place would more than counterbalance his objections to the measure. "Let," said he, "the right honourable gentleman (Canning) say that he will resign, if the Catholic question is not carried in the cabinet; let the noble and learned lord (Eldon) say he will resign, if it is carried. I am quite sure of the result. The Catholic question will be carried, but the noble and learned lord will retain his place. He will behave with the fortitude which has distinguished him in the other instances in which he has been defeated, and the country will not be deprived, for a single hour, of his inestimable services.... The speech talks of associations in the plural. That is not without an object. I warn the House, however, not to be taken in by the contrivance. That little letter s is one of the slyest contrivances that Belial ever resorted to in any of those speeches which are calculated to

Make the worse appear

The better reason; to perplex and clash

Maturest counsels; for his thoughts are low.

I am perfectly aware, sir, by whom that s was added. I know the hand-writing. I know the reflection which passed through the mind of the writer. 'I must put the word in the plural, it will then be considered as applicable to Orange as to Catholic associations, and the adversaries of both will be conciliated.' Let not that little letter s, however, deceive a single person. However it may be pretended to hold the balance even between the Orange and the Catholic associations, depend upon it, it will be only a nominal equity. will be like one of those 'subtle equities,' so well known in the court over which the noble and learned lord, to whom I have

It