strength of popular opinion and marred rights of an insulted nation? Are they the efficacy of all their previous proceedings.

different men at this day, or is the right honourable gentlemen different? He was then one of their body; he is now their accuser! He, who saw the streets linedwho rejoiced-who partook in their glory, in now their accuser! Are they less wise, less brave, less ardent in their country's cause, or has their admirable conduct made him their enemy? May they not say, we have not changed, but you have

The debate consequent on Flood's motion for leave to bring in his Reform Bill, was bitter and stormy. The whole array of placemen, pensioners, and nominees were in arms against the bill-they could not disguise their rage and amazement--but vented their wrath against the Volunteers in furious terms. And Yelverton, who combined an unmeasured regard for self-changed. The right honourable gentle interest with a cautious and measured love of liberty, and who had been a Volunteer, denounced the idea of a bill introduced into Parliament at the point of the bayonet.

man cannot bear to hear of Volunteers, but I will ask him, and I will have a STARLING TAUGHT TO HOLLO IN HIS EARWho gave you free trade? who got you the free constitution? who made you a

"If this, as it is notorious it does, ori-nation?-The Volunteers!* ginates from an armed body of men, I reject it. Shall we sit here to be dictated to at the point of the bayonet? I honour the Volunteers; they have eminently served their country; but when they turn into a debating society to reform the Parliament and regulate the nationwhen, with the rude point of the bayonet, they would probe the wounds of the constitution that require the most skilful hand and delicate instrument, it reduces the question to this-Is the Convention or the Parliament of Ireland to deliberate on the affairs of the nation? What have we lately seen?-even during the sitting of Parliament, and in the metropolis of the kingdom, armed men lining the streets for armed men going in fastidious show to that pantheon of divinities, the Rotunda, and there sitting in all the parate and in the mockery of Parliament! Shall we submit to this?

"If they were the men you now describe them, why did you accept of their service, why did you not then accuse them? If they were so dangerous why did you pass through their ranks with your Speaker at your head to demand a constitution— why did you not then fear the ills you now apprehend?"

"I ask every man who regards that free constitution established by the blood of our fathers, is such an infringement upon it to be suffered? If it is, and one step more is advanced, it will be too late to retreat. If you have slept, it is high time to awake."

Grattan supported the Bill. He said he loved to blend the idea of Parliment and the Volunteers. They had concurred in establishing the constitution in the last Parliament; he hoped that they would do it in the present. But altogether it must be said that his support was feebleit wanted heart, it wanted the fire, the inspiration, the genius which carried the Declaration of Rights with triumph through that ineffably corrupt assembly. And yet reform was the only security for his own work-it would have rendered the constitution immortal, and erected an enduring memorial of his glory.†

Declaration of the Volunteer army of Ulster, "That the dignified conduct of the army lately restored to the imperial crown of Ireland its original splendour-to nobility its ancient privileges-and to the nation at large its inherent rights as a sovereign independent state." Such was the assumed power of the Volunteers in 1782. The Parliament was considered then almost anti-national.

This was the logic of an attorneygeneral, who never deals a harder blow to "It was proposed by Government to meet this liberty than when he professes himself question in the most decided manner, and to bring her most obedient servant. But this to issue the contest between the Government and transparent hypocrisy was rudely dealt with by Flood

I have not introduced the Volunteers, but if they are aspersed, I will defend their character against all the world. By whom were the commerce and the constitution of this country recovered?-By the Volunteers.

"Why did not the right honourable gentlemen make a declaration against them when they lined our streets-when Parliament passed through the ranks of those virtuous armed men to demand the

this motley assembly usurping its rights. This idea
met with very considerable support. A great
heartiness showed itself among the principal men
of consequence and fortune, and a decided spirit of
opposition to the unreasonable encroachments ap-
tion. The idea stated was to oppose the leave to
peared with every man attached to the Administra-
bring in a bill for the reform of Parliament in the
first stage, on the ground of the petition originating
in an assembly unconstitutional and illegal, and
meant to awe and control the legislature.
hold mode of treating it was certainly most proper;
at the same time it was subject to the defections of
those who had been instructed on this idea of re-
form, and those who were still anxious to retain a
small degree of popularity amongst the Volunteers.
To have put it with a resolution would have given

This

156

But if Grattan lacked his ancient fire, whilst some writers have represented the the opposition which was given by the vile brood of faction was not deficient in spirit; it was furious and fierce. The coarsest invectives and the vulgarest ribaldry were heaped upon the Volunteers -the question of Parliamentary Reform was lost sight of in the rancorous malignity of the hour, and the debate became a chaos of vituperation, misrepresentation, and personality. At length the question was put, and Flood's motion was lost. The numbers were, for the motion 77, against it 157. After the result had been ascertained, it was thought fit by the attorney-general (Yelverton) to move, "That it has now become indispersably necessary to declare that the House will maintain its just rights and privileges against all encroachments whatsoever." This was a declaration of war, less against Reform, than against the Volunteers. The gauntlet was thrown down to them-did they dare to take it up?

adjournment of the Convention, and the extinction of the Volunteers, or, as it was called by Grattan, cultivate the blessings of peace," as the "their retirement to just and natural issue to their useful and brilliant career.* said that the Union was the just and As well might it be natural result of the constitution of 1782. And they who abandoned the Volunteers, and allowed their organisation to crumble and decline, are answerable to their country for the consequences of that fatal measure of political tergiversation. A large meeting of "particular friends" assembled at Lord Charlemont's on the Sunday. It was unanimously agreed that the public peace-which did not appear in any particular danger at the time- was the first object to be considered. It is to be regretted that Hardy is not more explicit on the subject of this meeting. It would have been fortunate had he informed us who were the parties conFor awhile the Convention awaited a cerned in this transaction; for it might message from the Commons-but no mes- have furnished a key to the subsequent sage of triumph came to crown their conduct of many men, whose proceedings hopes. The scene was embarrassing-were considered inexplicable at the time. lassitude had succeeded excitement- The result of their deliberations was imsilence crept slowly on the noisy anticipations of victory. At last, adjournment was suggested-the dramatic effect was lost, the dramatic spirit had passed away. The Convention broke up, to await, without the theatric pomp of full assembly, the details of discomfiture, insult, and defeat. The interval was well used by those who secretly trembled at the issue of a direct collision between Government and the Volunteers, or who had not the boldness to guide the storm which they had had the temerity to raise. Rumours there were of secret conclaves, where cowardly counsels took the place of manly foresight and sagacious boldness-of discussions dignified way, Henry Flood detailed the Upon which, in a very with closed doors, where the men who insulting reception of their bill by the legishad led the national army in the whole lature; and well aware of the temper of campaign of freedom canvassed the pro- some of the most influential men in the priety of sacrificing to their own fears Convention, he counselled moderation. that body whose virtue and renown had But what other policy than submission conferred on them a reflected glory;* was on their cards? They had put themus at least fourteen votes. Grattan, having pledged selves in antagonism to Parliament-they himself to the idea of reform of Parliament, could had been treated with contempt and denot see the distinction between the refusal of leave fiance-their plan had not been even dison the ground of its having come from an exceptionable body, and the absolute denial of receiving cussed, but contumeliously rejected beany plan of reform. He voted against us, and cause it was the suggestion of men with spoke; but his speech evidently showed that he meant arms in their hands-arms which they dared us no harm, and on the question of the resolution to support Parliament he voted with us. The resolu- not use. There were only two courses open tions are gone to the Lords, who will concur in-war or submission. They adopted the them, except, it is said. Lord Mountmorris, Lod latter course, not without some rebellious Aldborough, and Lord Charlemont."-Letter of the Lord-Lieutenant to Charles James Fox, 30th Nov., pride, and a flush of the old spirit that had burned so brightly at Dungannon.

1783.

* Barrington's Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation. c. 19, p. 377.

portant. The Volunteers were to receive their rebuff quietly; they were to separate in peace and good-will to all men; meekly to digest the contumelies of the Government retainers; and, following the advice of some of their officers, to hang up their arms in the Temple of Liberty. The advice was good, if the temple had been built.

Convention met. Captain Moore, one of On Monday the 1st of December, the the delegates, was about to comment on the reception of their Reform Bill by Parliament, when Lord Charlemont called him to order.

* Grattan's Life by Henry Grattan, c. 5.
† Hardy's Life of Charlemont, vol. ii., p. 138.

Flood had gone to England, either fired with new ambition, or in despair of effecting his great objects at home. The bishop was a bad adviser, too bold and unguarded, and the Government, amazed at an extraordinary reply which he gave to an address of the Bill of Rights' Battalion, a northern corps, seriously canvassed the propriety of his arrest. His reply concluded with a memorable political aphor

Looking back over these events, one cannot resist the conclusion that if the Convention had generously and at once thrown open the door of the Constitution to the Catholics, Lord Charlemont might at this juncture have marched down to that den of corruption in College Green, cleared it out, locked the door, and thereafter dictated his Reform Bill by way of general orders: but Charlemont was not the man to strike such a blow; and be-ism, "Tyranny is not government, and sides, he and the Convention had alienated, or, at least, left in a state of indifference, the great body of the nation which would else have borne them triumphantly to the goal of perfect and permanent freedom.

this

allegiance is due only to protection." But he was not prosecuted, nor arrested. It would have been a rash-it was a useless step. The natural progress of events effected what a measure of severity would probably have retarded, or rendered impossible-the destruction of the Volunteers. Division of opinion gained ground amongst them, yet they continued their reviews, they published their proceedings, they passed their resolutions. But, month by month, and year by year, their numbers diminished, their military gatherings became less splendid, their exposition of political opinion was less regarded by the nation, or feared by the Government.

The Convention adjourned, to meet next day. Mr. Flood moved a tame address to the House, declaring that seeking parliamentary reform was not to be imputed to any spirit of innovation in them." They adjourned again; but next morning Lord Charlemont repaired somewhat earlier than usual to the Rotunda, with several of his friends, and, after some formal resolutions, pronounced the Convention dissolved. "From time," says Dr. Madden, "the power of the Volunteers was broken." The Government resolved to let the institution die a natural death; at least, to aim no blow at it in public; but when it is known that the Hon. Col. Robert Stewart (father of Lord Castlereagh) was not only a member of the Convention-a delegate from the County Down-but chairman of a sub-committee, and that he was the intimate friend of Lord Charlemont, the nature of the hostility that Government put in practice against the institution will be easily understood. While the Volunteers were parading before Lord Charlemont, or manifesting their patriotism in declarations of resistance to the Parlia-tary body, but because the principle was ment, perfidy was stalking in their camp, and it rested not till it had trampled on the ashes of their institution.

The Reform Bill presented by the Convention having failed, Flood, after his return from Engiand, determined to test the sincerity of the Parliament in the alleged cause of its rejection. The legislature declared that they had spurned the bill because it emanated from a military body. In March, 1784, he introduced another measure of parliamentary reform, backed by numerous petitions from the counties. The bill was read a second time, but was rejected, on the motion for its committal, by a majority of seventy-four. Grattan gave a cold support. It became now clear that the opposition was given to reform, not because it was the demand of a mili

odious to a corrupt Parliament. Â meeting of the representatives of thirty-one corps took place at Belfast to make preThe Volunteers through the country parations for a review, and they adopted received the accounts of their delegates a resolution that they would not associate with indignant amazement. They beat to with any regiment at the ensuing demonarms-they met-and resolved. But the stration which should continue under the binding principle was relaxed; doubt. command of officers who opposed parliasuspicion, and alarm pervaded the ranks mentary reform. However natural was that had been so firmly knit; their reso- their indignation at the coolness of some, lutions, though still warmed with the and the hostility of other professing Pa spirit of fiery eloquence, were but sound-triots to the great measure of constituing words, unheeded by a government tional change, the effect of this resolution which had plantel too securely the seeds of disunion, to fear the threats of men without leaders, without mutual confidence, without reliance on themselves. The Bishop of Derry became their idol; but it was beyond his power to restore them to their commanding position.

was unfortunate. It yielded a plausible excuse to many of the officers to secede from the Volunteer body; it worked out wonderfully the policy of division which Government was in every way pursuing; it defined the distinctions which existed

*Historical Collections relative to Belfast, p. 200

in the Volunteer associations, and widened property; were they to become the armed the fatal breach.

We may here anticipate a little in order to close the story of the Volunteers. The rejection of the Reform Bill was followed by an attempt to get up a national Congress by Flood, Napper Tandy, and others. They addressed requisitions to the sheriffs of the counties, calling on them to summon their bailiwicks for the purpose of electing representatives. Some few complied with the requisition; most of them refused. The attorney-general (Fitzgibbon) threatened to proceed by attachment against those who had obeyed the mandate, and by a mixture of personal daring and ability succeeded in preventing Mr. Reilly, the sheriff of Dublin, from taking the chair of an intended electoral meeting. Delegates were, however, selected in some quarters, and in October a few individuals assembled in William Street to hold the Congress. The debate was with closed doors; the Bishop of Derry was not present; Flood attended, and detailed his plan of reform, in which the Catholics were not included. The omission gave offence to the Congress, and Flood, indignant at the want of support, retired. After three days' sitting, the Congress adjourned. It vanished as if it were the melancholy ghost of the National Convention.

beggary?" To the Congress, to the parties who had presented petitions for reform, he addressed indignant reproof. They had, he said, been guilty of the wildest indiscretion; they had gone much too far, and, if they went on, they would overturn the laws of their country.

It was an unfortunate period for the interests of Irish liberty which Grattan selected thus to dissever the ties between the Volunteers and him. They had begun to perceive that, without the co-operation of the Catholics, it would be unreasonable to expect to obtain a reformed Parliament independent of England. The men of the Ulster Plantation were the first to recognise and act upon this obvious truth. They carried their toleration so far as to march to the chapel and to attend mass. Had proper advantage been taken of these dispositions of the people, the result would have been the acquisition of a measure of parliamentary reform which would have insured the stability of the settlement of 1782. But they were left without guides when most a ruling mind was required; nor is it surprising that ulterior views began to influence the ardent temperament, and to excite the angry passions of a disappointed people. But these considerations belong to the history of a later period, when the Volunteers had merged into that great and wonderful confederacy which within a few years threatened the stability of the English dominion in Ireland.

These proceedings were alluded to in the speech which opened the session, January, 1785. They were characterised as "lawless outrages and unconstitutional proceedings." The address in reply ap- The regular army had been increased plied the same terms to the transactions to fifteen thousand men, with the approin connection with the National Congress; bation of the most distinguished founders and this drew from Grattan a memorable of the constitution of 1782; the next act speech, and one which, with reference to of hostility was one in which Gardiner, the Volunteers, is historic. It marks the who had been an active officer in the transition-point when the old Volunteers Volunteers, took the leading part. On ceased, and a new body, composed of a the 14th of February, 1785, he moved that different class of men, and ruled by poli- £20,000 be granted to his majesty for the ticians with very different views, com- purpose of clothing the militia. This was menced a career which terminated only in intended to be a fatal blow. It was aimed the establishment of the United Irishmen. by a treacherous hand. The motion was Grattan, in the debate on the address, supported by Langrishe, Denis Daily, after defending the reform party and Arthur Wolfe, and Grattan. Fitzgibbon principles generally from the attacks con- assailed the Volunteers with official bittained in the viceroy's speech, said, "I terness. He reiterated the charges of would now wish to draw the attention of Grattan that they had admitted into their the House to the alarming measure of ranks a low description of men; their drilling the lowest classes of the populace, constitution was changed; they had deby which a stain had been put on the generated into practices inimical to the character of the Volunteers. The old, the peace of the country. They were, howoriginal Volunteers, had become respec-ever, not left undefended. Curran, Hardy, table because they represented the property of the nation, but attempts had been made to arm the poverty of the kingdom. They had originally been the armed * Grattan's Speeches, vol. i., p. 212.

and Newenham stepped forward to their vindication. These men pointed out the benefits of the institution-the Volunteers in time of war had protected the country, and preserved internal quiet-no militia

was then needed-why was it required in was necessary to maintain the authority peace? The proposition was a censure of Parliament, that therefore the House on the Volunteers. was ungrateful! "

Improvement of the country.-Political position

anomalous.-Rutland, viceroy.-Petitions for Parliamentary Reform.-Flood's motion.-Rejected. -Grattan's bill to regulate the revenue.-Protective duties demanded.-National Congress.-Dissensions as to rights of Catholics.-Charlemont's intolerance.-Orde's Commercial Propositions.New propositions of Mr. Pitt.-Burke and Sheridan. Commercial propositions defeated.-Mr. Conolly. The national debt.-General corruption. -Court majorities.-Patriots defeated.-Ireland after five years of independence.

IRELAND was now in many respects an independent nation. Enjoying for the first time in her history an unrestricted trade, a sovereign judiciary, the writ of Habeas Corpus, and a Parliament acknowledged to be the sovereign legislature, free from the dictation of an English privy council, the country did certainly begin almost immediately to make a rapid advance in material prosperity. Many absentees returned and spent their incomes at home; the revival of other branches of industry retrieved in some degree the unwholesome competition for farms, which had left the unfortunate and friendless peasantry at the absolute mercy of their landlords.

A few country corps had fixed upon holding a review at Doah, in the county of Antrim. army marched to the spot to disperse them; but the Volunteers avoided assembling, and thus gave up the ghost.-Dr. MacNevin's Pieces of Irish