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scriptions of his friends and adherents. who played so great a part in contemLord Derby, the Chief of the very porary history as Lord Beaconsfield to Party now sitting on the Opposition suspend our judgment at will
, and look Benches, received his death on him simply as an amiable man of national honours. Still later, the death great genius, and not as a Minister. of a statesman who had been the The monument we are asked to raise is Leader of the Liberal Party for many a political one, and it is as a politician years occurred- I refer to Earl Russell. that Lord Beaconsfield's claims to it have That noble Earl, it is true, has a monu- to be judged. The deceased Minister's ment within these walls; but this, like policy was a bold and clear policy, and I Canning's, was subscribed for by his can well understand two different estifriends. I think, therefore, that if we mates being formed of it. I can pergo to precedents we should find no pre- fectly well conceive that hon. Gentlemen cedent which shows that a public monu- opposite view it with admiration, and ment has been voted to one who had most conscientiously believe that Lord been once Prime Minister, unless he had Beaconsfield was entitled to the gratiat the time of his death a majority in tude of the nation for advocating such the House of his own supporters, or a a policy. But I think also that my own majority of those who considered that and my hon. Friends' convictions should he had performed great and signal pub- not be questioned. I wish to avoid all lic services. In the present case, the controversy on this occasion with respect grounds for the monument are set forth to Lord Beaconsfield's policy, and on in the Resolution itself. I think every- that subject we and hon. Gentlemen one will be prepared to concur in the opposite may agree to disagree. The Resolution so far as the correctness of only tribunal that can ultimately and the grounds are concerned ; but where finally decide between us will be the triI and my hon. Friends part company bunal of posterity. But it cannot be forwith those who support the Resolution is , gotten that little more than a year ago in our belief that these grounds are not an appeal was made to the only existsufficient to justify a national monument. ing tribunal, and that tribunal has em. It is true that Lord Beaconsfield had phatically decided against the policy of " devotedly laboured in Parliament and Lord Beaconsfield. ”During Lord Beain great Offices of State ;” but so have consfield's tenure of Office, hon. Gentlemany others, past and present, who men on this side of the House had prohave had no national memorial. I ad- tested against his policy, not merely on mit that Lord Beaconsfield possessed the ground that it was unwise and im
rare and splendid gifts;' ” but rare politic, but on the ground that it was and splendid gifts in themselves are a politically dishonest. Without carrying danger rather than an advantage to the political hostility beyond the grave, it State when the possessor of them does is surely not unreasonable of Liberals not use them for what is considered by to maintain the same opinions to-day the majority of his fellow-countrymen to as they did yesterday. If we now were be to the public advantage. The mere to express our approval of a policy which possession of great intellectual gifts is at the General Election we denounced, an advantage to the person possessing we should, in my opinion, be stultifying them; but we are obliged to look, not ourselves. We should be laying only to this, but to how they are em- selves open to the charge either that ployed, and also to the results of their we had indulged at the General Election employment. A statue is granted by in rhetorical exaggeration for the pura national Vote to a politician because pose of misleading public opinion, or his country is grateful to him; but, that we are absolutely indifferent to the with all respect to hon. Gentlemen morality or immorality of a policy, I opposite, whose feelings I certainly do appeal to hon. Gentlemen on both sides not wish to hurt, I do not consider that of the House whether we ought to make the country has reason to be grateful ourselves obnoxious to either of these for anything that Lord Beaconsfield did. alternatives. I do not deny Lord BeaIt is impossible, to my mind, to sepa- consfield's claims to a voluntary monurate the man from the Minister-the ment, and I acquit hon. Gentlemen opstatesman from the statesmanship. Espe- posite, of course, of being influenced in cially is it impossible in the case of one the matter by considerations of money.
The question is, whether the policy of were to honour him. It certainly was Lord Beaconsfield should obtain, now not as a politician, for his policy was dethat he is dead, that public recogni- nounced as insane. It could not be as tion of soundness and moralty which a literary man, for he was better known the country denied to it while he was as a plagiarist of other men's speeches alive? If, at the General Election, he than for his own productions. After had been returned with a triumphant the death of another Prime Minister, majority, nothing would have been more Lord Beaconsfield had stooped to plareasonable than the present proposal ; giarism in the eulogium which he probut the reverse being the case, it is nounced upon him, having previously impossible for those who denounced his said of him that he had failed as a policy when alive, to concur unanimously Prime Minister because he did not uniu a national apotheosis of it so soon as
derstand England. For his own part,
The Committee divided :--Ayes 54 ;
Balfour, J. S.
Hopwood, C. H.
Lawson, Sir W.
Beaumont, W. B. Laycock, R.
Broadhurst, H. M‘Carthy, J.
M Minnies, J. G. before the House. The mischief which Byrne, G. M.
Mappin, F. T.
Nelson, I, him, and he could not understand how Cameron, C.
O'Connor, T. P. the Prime Minister, who knew so much
O'Conor, D. M. of the effects of that Nobleman's policy, Daly, J.
O'Kelly, J. could ask a House composed of Irish- Dawson, C.
Peddie, J. D.
Pennington, F. men as well as Scotchmen and English- De Ferrieres, Baron
Dilke. A. W.
Philips, R. N. men to vote for the erection of a monu
Dillwyn, L. L.
Potter, T. B.
Williams, S. C. E. Ferguson, R. Stanley, hon. E. L. Willis, W.
Ffolkes, Sir W. H. B. Taylor, P. A.
Home, Lt. Col. D. M.
Filmer, Sir E. Thomasson, J.P.
Hope, rt. hn. A.J.B.B.
Finch, G. H. Webster, Dr. J. Labouchere, H.
Howard, E. S.
Howard, G. J.
Fitzpatrick, hn.B.E.B. Hubbard, rt. hon. J.
Fitzwilliam, hn. H. W. Inderwick, F. A.
Fitzwilliam, hn. W. J. Jackson, W. L. Acland, Sir T. D.
Childers, rt. hn. H.C. E. Fletcher, Sir H.
James, Sir H.
James, W. H.
Churchill, Lord R. Foljambe, C. G. S. Jenkins, D. J.
Foljambe, F. J. S.
Johnson, W. M.
Johnstone, Sir F.
Forester, C. T. W.
Joicey, Colonel J.
Forster, rt. hon. W. E. Kennard, Col. E. H.
Coddington, W. Foster, W. H.
Kennaway, Sir J. H.
Fowler, H. H.
Kingscote, Col. R. N.F.
Fremantle, hon. T. F. Knightley, Sir R.
Law, rt. hon. H.
Galway, Viscount Lawrance, J. C. Beach, rt. hn. Sir M.H. Coope, O. E.
Gardner, R. Richard. Lawrence, Sir J. C. Beach, W. W. B. Corbett, J.
Lawrence, Sir T. Bellingham, A. H. Cotes, C, C.
Garnier, J. C. Bentinck, rt. hn. G. C. Courtauld, G.
Gibson, rt. hon. E. Lea, T.
Giffard, Sir H. S. Leatham, E. A.
Gladstone, rt.hn. W.E. Leatham, W. H.
Gladstone, W. H. Lee, Major V.
Glyn, hon. S. C. Leeman, J. J.
Lefevre, right hon. G.
Gooch, Sir D.
Leigh, hon. G. H. C.
Cubitt, rt. hon. G. Grant, D.
Leighton, Sir B.
Lennox, Lord H. G.
Lever, J. O.
Lewis, C. E.
Lindsay, Col. R. L.
Litton, E. F.
Dixon-Hartland, F.D. Hamilton, Lord C. J. Lloyd, M.
Long, W. H.
Lowther, hon. W.
Hamilton, J. G. C. Lusk, Sir A.
Harcourt, rt. hon. Sir Lyons, R. D.
Macartney, J. W. E.
Hartington, Marq. of Mac Iver, D.
Harvey, Sir R. B. Mackintosh, C. F.
Egerton, Adm. hon. F. Hastings, G. W. Macnaghten, E. Campbell, J. A. Egerton, hon. W. Hay, rt. hon. Admiral M.Clure, Sir T. Campbell, Sir G. Elcho, Lord
Sir J. C. D. Campbell, R. F. F. Elliot, G. W.
M'Garel-Hogg, Sir J.
Hayter, Sir A. D. M'Kenna, Sir J. N.
Errington, G. Herbert, hon. S. Carington, hn. Colonel Estcourt, G. S.
Makins, Colonel W. T.
Llerschell, Sir F. Manners, rt. hn. Lord J.
March, Earl of
Hicks, E. Castlereagh, Viscount Ewing, A. O.
Marjoribanks, Sir D.C.
Hildyard, T. B. T. Marjoribanks, E. Causton, R. K.
Fairbairn, Sir A. Hill, Lord A. W Marriott, W. T. Cavendish, Lord E.
Farquharson, Dr. R. Hill, A. S. Cavendish, Lord F. C. Fay, C. J.
Massey, rt. hon. W.N.
Hill, T. R.
Master, T. W. C.
Maxwell, Sir H. E.
Milbank, F. A.
Fellowes, W. H. Holland, Sir H. T. Miles, Sir P. J. W.
Mills, Sir C, H,
MR. BIGGAR wished to ask the right
hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister one Moss, R.
Seely, C. (Lincoln)
of a large numerical minority, he thought
it desirable that a Motion of that sort, Newdegate, C. N. Sheridan, H. B. Newport, Viscount Smith, A.
which, if passed at all, should be passed Nicholson, W.
rt. hon. W. H. with unanimity, should be persevered Nicholson, W. N. Smyth, P.J.
MR. GLADSTONE: Under the cir-
ing it is the intention of the Government Northcote, H. S. Storer, G.
to persevere with the proposal.
Main Question put.
Resolved, That an humble Address be pre-
sented to Her Majesty, praying that Her Ma-
jesty will give directions that a Monument be Taylor, rt. hn. Col. T.E. erected in the Collegiate Church of Saint Peter, Otway, A.
Westminster, to the Memory of the late Right
Hon. the Earl of Beaconsfield, with an Inscription
expressive of the high sense entertained by the
House of his rare and splendid gifts, and of his
devoted labours in Parliament and in great Tollemache, hon. W.F. Offices of State; and to assure Her Majesty Peek, Sir H.
Torrens, W. T. M.C. that this House will make good the expenses
Tyler, Sir H. W.
attending the same.
Resolution to be reported To-morrow.
Wallace, Sir R.
Walrond, Col. W. H.
(Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Forster, Mr. Bright, Mr. Portman, hn. W. H. B. Warburton, P. E.
Atlorney General for Ireland, Mr. Solicitor
General for Ireland.)
Order read, for resuming Adjourned
Debate on Amendment proposed to
Wilmot, Sir J. E. be now read a second time."
And which Amendment was,
To leave out from the word “That" to the
Wodehouse, E. R. end of the Question, in order to add the words
measure, founded upon sound principles, that Ross, A, H.
Wortley, C. B. Stuart- will benefit tenants of land in Ireland, is of
opinion that the leading provisions of the Land Rothschild, Sir N.M. de Wyndham, hon. P. Law (Ireland) Bill are in the main economic Roundell, C. S. Yorke, J. R.
cally unsound, unjust, and impolitic,”-(Lord Russell, Lord A.
Kensington, Lord Question again proposed, " That the
words proposed to be left out stand part
of the Question." SIR ALEXANDER GORDON ex
Debate resumed. plained that he had accidentally gone into the wrong Lobby. Seeing the hon. MR. ERRINGTON said, it was obMember for Mid Kent (Sir William vious that the stage of second reading Hart-Dyke) standing at the door of one was not the most convenient for discussof the Division Lobbies, he thought he ing the full details of such a complicated was right in going into it.
measure as this. There were, however, THE CHAIRMĂN said, the explana- principles underlying the measure which tion would be noted in the Minutes,
were novel in their application, and it
was of the utmost consequence that they him that nothing was more cruel than should be threshed out on the present exciting such hopes. It was necessary occasion, that they should be defined, for them all to combine in order to defeat and their scope and limit carefully dis- such tactics, and to make people undercussed and made clear to the mind of stand that the measure was what he bethe public. It was no exaggeration lieved it would be-namely, a fair and to say that no measure had ever been honest measure, and that it would do laid before that House which had been all law could do to redress honest and fraught with more anxious and more fair grievances, but that it never could momentous consequences both for the gratify the wild expectations so unfairly present and the future than that which raised. Nothing could be further from was now under discussion. They had his mind than the wish to minimize the to consider, in the first place, the very effect of the Bill; but he thought it grave and serious state of things which better that people should be disapnow existed in Ireland; and, secondly, pointed before rather than after the Bill how that state of things was to be dealt had become law. In this respect the with. He did not think it too much to speech of the right hon. and learned say that by this measure they were Gentleman the Member for the Uniabout to combat a revolution by means versity of Dublin (Mr. Gibson) deserved of a revolutionary measure; and he was commendation, inasmuch as it placed perfectly convinced that if they were clearly before the country the real scope justified on the present occasion in ac- and character of the measure. cepting the homeopathic maxim of en- ferred to accept the right hon. and deavouring to cure like by like, they learned Gentleman as the exponent of must not lose sight of that other maxim what was a wise and statesmanlike meaas to the employment of those dangerous sure than certain more recent speakers. remedies, and take care that if not given one of the most important points he in infinitesimal doses, yet it was given had raised was the definition of fair in a manner carefully weighed and per- rent; and he was glad that he had fectly understood. In the remarkable elicited from the Government in no speech made by the Prime Minister doubtful terms that they admitted the when he introduced the Bill, he told same definition, and he was glad to hear them the greatest difficulty the Govern that because it showed him that, after ment had to contend against had arisen all, there was common ground on which from wild discussions from Communistic they could all approach the subjectschemes and appeals to public passion. that common ground being the necessity, They all knew to what he alluded, and which was frankly admitted to exist in they would agree with him that those Ireland as well as in England and among dangers and difficulties were by no landlords as well as among tenants, that means over now that the Bill was intro- some law must be passed in regard to duced, and would not be over when it land. He thought they ought all to was actually passed. It was impossible combine to make that Bill what he for anyone who realized the position trusted it would be, not a triumph for not to look with grave apprehension to any Party nor for any class, but a Bill what would happen when the Bill was of fairness and justice to all classes of passed. How was the Bill received as far persons. There was one point in the as Ireland was concerned ? In some cases speech of the right hon. and learned with what he could only call hypocritical Member for the University of Dublin to approval, and in others with the open which he took exception, and that was and avowed declaration that it was not in regard to the drafting of the Bill. to be used as a measure of peace and He had said that the Bill was obscure; tranquillity, but for the purposes of in- but it appeared to him (Mr. Errington) citing in the future to more dangerous that the obscurity was not due so much agitation than in the past. Everything to the Bill as it was to the subject; and was done to turn the good into evil, and if hon. Gentlemen found a difficulty in the most dangerous way that could be understanding the subject, how could done was by exciting in the minds of tho they expect to very readily understand credulous but honest population hopes the Bill? The question of free sale had and expectations which were quite im- been discussed again and again; but it possible to be realized. It appeared to was of such importance, that he should