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be directed, shall become sensible of their error, I shall be ready to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy. I shall give authority to certain persons to grant general or particular pardons and indemnities, in such manner, and to such persons, as they shall think fit, and to receive the submission of any province which shall be disposed to return to its allegiance. It may also be proper to authorise the persons so commissioned to restore such province, so returning to its allegiance, to the free exercise of its trade and commerce, and to the same protection and security as if such province had never revolted." When an address to his majesty in answer to the speech, had been moved and seconded in the house of commons, lord John Cavendish moved for an amendment; which occasioned a long debate, that was carried on with the utmost eagerness and unceasing energy on both sides. The employment of foreign troops to reduce America, was an object animadverted upon by opposition with peculiar violence and indignation.

General Conway though in place, opposed administration; and condemned, in the most decisive terms, the American war, declaring it to be cruel, unnecessary and unnatural-calling it in plain terms, a butchery of his fellow subjects. He reprobated every idea of conquering America, upon all the grounds of justice, expediency and practicability. He declared in the most unreserved terms against the right of taxation, and wished to see the declaratory law repealed (though it had passed under his own auspices when in administration) rather than it should be employed to colour designs, the most opposite to the intentions, publicly declared, of those who supported it in parliament, and particularly opposite to the fullest declaration of his own at the time of his moving it. The ministry made as good a defence as their cause would admit; and pleaded, "We are now in a situation which doth not afford a possibility of receding without shame, ruin and disgrace." Lord North acknowlegded, that he had been deceived; that he did not imagine that all America would have armed in the cause. Administration, he said, proceeded upon the information they had received; if other gentlemen were in possession of better, why did they not communicate it? Administration had opposite information, but they adhered to that which came from persons whose interest made them parties with the inclinations of ministry. That which they neglected, as proceeded from mistake or a wrong bias, they now find to have been the truest.

The space of a whole night was consumed in the debates upon the royal speech; it was near five in the morning when the motion made by the opposition was rejected by

278, against 108; after which the address was carried without a division.

In the house of lords, the debate on the address was also long and warm. The duke of Grafton suddenly and unexpectedly quitted administration. He went into a decisive condemnation of all the acts of government for some time past, with respect to America, as well as of the measures held out by the speech. He declared that he had been deceived and misled upon that subject: and that, by the withholding of information and the misrepre→ sentment of facts, he had been induced to lend his countenance to measures which he never approved; and that he was blindly led to give a support to the one of coercing America, from a firm persuasion held out, that matters would never come to an extremity of that nature, and that an appearance of coercion was all that was requisite to establish a reconciliation. He asserted that nothing less than a total repeal of all the American laws which had been passed since 1763, could now restore peace and happiness. The lords in administration did not deny the imperfectness of their information in some matters, but pleaded the im→ practicability of obtaining such knowledge as might have prevented several disappointments. They were obliged to depend upon the sagacity and judgment of those whom they trusted. They had taken all possible pains to proceed upon sure grounds. It would be unjust to make them answerable for failures which were occasioned by events totally unexpected by the shrewdest persons upon the spot; to such alone must be attributed the general want of success in the plans pursued in the course of the present year. There were two remarkable instances of this kind; the one was the total alteration of circumstances in the province of New-York, the other was the implicit acquiescence of the southern colonies in the views and arrangements of the northern. These were events that accelerated with irresistible rapidity the revolution of affairs through the continent, and equally surprised the ministry, who from their intelligence, could be no wise apprehensive of such an unhappy turn. The defection. of New-York they imputed to its being compelled into measures by the Connecticut insurgents, which the people there would never have otherwise adopted. They pleaded, "We must either reduce the colonies to submission, or for ever relinquish all dominion over them, and all advantage from North-America." The motion for the address was at length carried by 76 votes against 33. But a protest against it was drawn up, and signed by nineteen peers. In that they condemned the war commenced against America with the utmost freedom and asperity; and

also

also censured with equal severity, the employing of foreign troops and various other parts of the ministerial conduct.

As none of the measures adopted by administration gave more umbrage than the employment of the Hanoverian troops, opposition determined to bring it before parliament in the most sodemn and serious manner. A motion was accordingly made in the house of lords, declaring that to employ foreign troops withput the previous consent of parliament, was dangerous and unconstitutional, as being clearly against law. In the debate which followed, various arguments were used for and against the legality of introducing foreign forces into the kingdom or its de pendencies without consent of parliament. As an act of indemnity would have been a recognizance of its illegality, it was studiously warded off, as well as the motion itself which was defeated by the previous question, carried by a majority of 75 to 32. In the house of commons, the debates on this subject were no less elaborate, and consisted of much the same reasonings. The motion was similar to that in the house of lords, and was lost in like manner, 81 for, and 203 against it. Thus was a question, of which the magnitude is equal to that of any other fundamental point in the constitution, put off to future decision. While it was in agitation, an incomparable majority of the public agreed in the opinion adopted by the opposition. However they might differ concerning measures to be pursued respecting America, they cordially united with them in condemning the admission of foreign troops into the kingdom or its dependencies, without the express assent of parliament.

That the designs of the Americans might be completely frustrated, it was proposed in a committee of supply, that the naval establishment of sailors and marines should be augmented to 28,000 men, and that the number of ships of war on the American station should amount to eighty. The land forces were to consist of 25,000 of the selected troops in the service. These formidable preparations called up the attention of several principal members in the opposition, in order, if possible, to render the operations of war unnecessary, it was proposed to facilitate the means of reconciliation. [Nov. 7.] To this purpose, Mr. T. Luttrell moved for an address to his majesty, "humbly requesting, that he will authorize the commissioners who may be empowered to act in America, to receive proposals for conciliation from any general convention or congress, or other colleetive body that shall be found most perfectly to convey the sentiments of one or more of the several continental colonies, suspending all enquiry into the legal or illegal forms under which such colony or colonies may be disposed to treat, as the most ofVOL. II. fectual

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fectual means to prevent the further effusion of blood, and to reconcile the honor and permanent interest of Great-Britain with the requisitions of his majesty's American subjects." The motion was seconded, but when the question was put, it passed in the negative without a division. Lord Barrington, in stating the army estimates, observed that the number of effective men in the army at Boston by the last returns, was 7415; but that the forces in America were augmented to 34 battalions, amounting in the whole to upward of 25,000 men. This augmentation being considerable, he thought it necessary to speak a few words on the subject. He said, he understood that the idea of taxation was entirely given up, and that being the case, it was absolutely necessary to secure the constitutional dependence of that country. The general plan of administration, he believed to be, first to arm, and send out commissioners; and then if the Americans should continue to resist, to employ against them the whole power sent out, in forcing them to obedience. His hint about the idea of taxation being entirely given up, alarmed many gentlemen who had supported government in their coercive measures, with a view, and in a firm persuasion that the revenue to be drawn from America, would, in a proportionable degree, lessen their own burdens.

Neither the secretary of state, who received the congressional petition brought by governor Penn, nor any other minister or person in authority, had since his arrival proposed a single question to him, or desired the smallest information from him. This circumstance gave countenance to the charge, that a system had been chalked out for ministers, which they were obliged blindly to pursue and to act in, merely as machines, without being at liberty to form an opinion as to justice, eligibility or consequence. [Nov. 10.] The duke of Richmond procured however, an examination of governor Penn before the house of lords. It appeared from his examination-that congress was in the highest veneration imaginable by all ranks and orders of men--that he believed implicit obedience was paid to their resolutions through all the provinces-that in Pennsylvania 20,000 effective men had voluntarily enrolled themselves to enter into actual service if necessity required; and that among them were persons of the most respectable character in the province-that he presumed the major part were in flourishing situations-that beside these 20,000, there were 4000 minute-men, whose duty was pointed out by their description. They were to be ready for service at a minutes warning-that the Pennsylvanians perfectly understood the art of making gun-powder-that they had made that and salt-petre-that the art of casting cannon had been carried to great perfection-that small arms had been made to as great

a degree

a degree of perfection as could be imagined-that the Americans were equally expert with the Europeans at ship-building-that he was sure the language of congress expressed the sense of the people of America in general, as far as it applied to Pennsylvania; and for the other provinces he affirmed the same, though from information only-that the petition which he had presented to the king, had been considered as an olive branch, and that he had been complimented by his friends as the messenger of peace-that he imagined the Americans, who placed much reliance on the petition, would be driven to desperation by its nonsuccess-that he was apprehensive that sooner than yield to what were supposed to be the unjust claims of Great-Britain, the Americans would take the resolution of calling in the aid of foreign assistance-and that, in his opinion, the neglect with which the last petition was treated, would induce the Americans to resign all hopes of pacific negociations. When he was afterward cross-examined he answered to some questions put to him that except in the case of taxation, he apprehended the Americans would have no objection to acknowledge the sovereignty of Great-Britain-that he knew nothing of the proceedings of the congress, they were generally transacted under the seal of secrecy and that in case a formidable force should be sent over to America in support of government, he did not imagine there were many who would openly profess submission to the authority of parliament. When governor Penn had withdrawn, the duke of Richmond, after speaking a few words, moved, "That the matter of the American petition affords ground for conciliation of the unhappy difference subsisting between the mother country and the colonies, and that it is highly necessary that proper steps be immediately taken for attaining so desirable an object." After a long and violent debate, the motion in favor of the petition was rejected by a division of 86 against 33, including proxies.

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The house of commons was filled with no less altercation in consequence of the demands for the supplies on account of the American war. The land-tax was to be raised to four shillings in the pound. This augmentation occasioned the country gentlemen to turn their attention to an object particularly interesting to themselves. They had supported coersive measures, in expectation that a revenue would arise from the colonies, to lessen the weight of the burdens with which this country is loaded. Actuated by such hope, they were willing to advance money, while they had a prospect of being relieved from exactions in future, by contributions to be drawn from America. It was therefore with no small surprize and concern that they observed, by the language

of

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