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LIST of the CABINET MINISTERS and CHIEF OFFICERS

of the CROWN, 1809.

Earl CAMDEN, ............................................ President of the Council.

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Lord MULGRAVE,............ First Lord of the Admiralty.
Earl CHATHAM, .............. Master-General of the Ordnance.

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HISTORY OF EUROPE,

1809.

CHAP. I.·

Meeting of Parliament. Debates on the King's Speech, and on the Overtures from Erfurth.

PARLIAMENT met before Jan. 19. the issue of Sir John Moore's campaign was known; but it was known that his army was rapidly retreating, or rather flying toward the coast, and intelligence was hourly expected, with more of anxiety than of hope. The king's speech was in a tone suited to the times. He had given orders, he said, that copies of the proposals for opening a negociation, which had been transmitted from Erfurth, and of the correspondence which thereupon took place, should be laid before both houses; and he was persuaded that they would participate in the feelings which he had expressed, when it was required that he should consent to commence the negociation by abandoning the cause of Spain. He continued to receive from the Spanish government the strongest assurances of their determined perseverance in the cause of their lawful monarchy, and their national independence; and

VOL. II. PART I.

so long as the people of Spain should remain true to themselves, so long would he continue to them his most strenuous assistance and support. He had renewed to them, in the moment of their difficulties and reverses, the engagements which he had voluntarily contracted at the outset of their struggle against the usurpation and tyranny of France: those engagements had been reduced into the form of a treaty of alliance, which, as soon as the ratifications were exchanged, should be laid before parliament. Concerning Portugal, he said, that while he contemplated with the liveliest satisfaction the atchievements of his forces in the commencement of the campaign, and the deliverance of the kingdom of his ally, he most deeply regretted the termination of that cam paign, by an armistice and convention, of some of the articles of which he had felt himself obliged formally to declare his disapprobation. He relied on the disposition of parliament,

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to continue the aid afforded to the king of Sweden; a monarch who derived a peculiar claim to their support, from having concurred with Great Britain in the propriety of rejecting any proposal for negociation to which the government of Spain was not to be admitted as a party. Means of providing the supplies for the year, would, he trusted, be found, without any great or immediate increase of the existing burdens upon the people; and doubtless it would be satisfactory to them to learn, that notwithstanding the measures resorted to by the enemy, for the purpose of destroying the commerce and resources of the kingdom, the public revenue had continued in a state of progressive improvement. His Majesty, it was added, had called them together in perfect confidence that they were prepared cordially to support him in the prosecution of a war which there was no hope of terminating safely and honourably, except through vigorous and persevering exertion; and he especially recommended to them, that, duly weighing the immense interests which were at stake in the war then carrying on, they should proceed, with as little delay as possible, to consider of the most effectual measures for the augmentation of the regular army, in order that he might be the better enabled, without impairing the means of defence at home, to avail himself of the military power of his dominions in the great contest in which he was engaged; and to conduct that contest, under the blessing of Divine Providence, to a conclusion compatible with the honour of his crown, and with the interests of his allies, of Europe, and of the world.

The address was moved by the Earl of Bridgewater. Lord Sheffield,

in supporting it, observed, that there was no hope of safety but through a vigorous and persevering prosecution of the war, of which, (said he,) the great mass of this country is perfectly convinced; and it must be highly consoling to all Europe, to learn that his Majesty is determined strenuously to support the cause of Spain. It is our own cause; it is the cause of Europe and of the world. We cannot but concur in applauding the resolution of the Spaniards, to persevere to the last extremity in the contest for their liberty-a resolution worthy of that noble nation. We cannot but admire their spirit, when we reflect on the completely-disorganized state into which they were thrown by the treachery of an usurper. If they should not in every instance act according to our notions of what was expedient, or even if prejudice should prevent them from receiving assistance in the way which we might think advisable; if their communications, both among themselves and with us, should not be so prompt and perfect as might be expected from a country whose government, and every thing derived from it, had not been recently overthrown; if we should observe among them some traces of party spirit, or struggles for power, was it to be wondered at under such circumstances, or were we ourselves free from blame? Their general conduct was still to be respected and admired; and even though great reverses should take place, there would be yet no reason to despond. From our own troops we might expect every thing which could be done by men: they had the highest confidence in their general, whether he should advance or retreat; and we might be satisfied that whatever happened, a British army, so command

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