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She:-"You find life lines and health lines, but have I no beauty lines?"

He:-(gallantly) "Your beauty has no lines-nor wrinkles. The very magic of your beauty must dispel them."

She:-"You'd better say themagic of my Pompeian" And she spoke truly, for while Pompeian Massage Cream works in the most rational way the results are little short of magical. It is rapidly becoming a toilet necessity as well as a luxury, and an occasional massage with this "wonder worker" will not only drive away unlovely wrinkles and blemishes but will insure a clear, fresh, velvety skin, with all the charm which that implies.


Pompeian Cream.

"Don't envy a good complexion, use Pompeian and have one"
TRIAL JAR SENT for stamps or coin.
Sold by all dealers, 50c.,75c. and $1 per jar.
Library slips saved means Magazines free; one slip in every package
The Pompeian Mfg. Co., 98 Prospect St., Cleveland, O.


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By SAMUEL GOMPERS, Fresident, American Federation of Labor.

Start With a Good Idea of Your Rights.

The McNamara Case (III).

Overlooking Expert Testimony.

To Defend the Right and Punish the Guilty.

The "New" Contempt Proceedings.

What Our Organizers Are Doing

Trade Unionism in England




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Warning to Advertisers!

Protect yourselves from being defrauded. Read the following Report of the Executive Council and action of the Convention of the American Federation of Labor, at Scranton, Pa., on December 14, 1901, in reference to DECEPTIVE PUBLICATIONS:


NUMBER of souvenir books have been published in which the name of the American Federation of Labor has been used without authority or sanction of any kind from either the American Federation of Labor or its officers. The good name of our movement is thereby impaired, the interests of our fellow-workers injured, and fair-minded business men imposed upon and deceived. During the year we have endeavored to impress upon all that the only publication in which advertisements are received is our official monthly magazine, the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST; and we have also endeavored to influence a more straightforward course by those who have transgressed in the direction indicated. In this particular we have not been as successful as we should be pleased to be enabled to report to you. However, we are more concerned with the future than the past; and in order to be helpful in eliminating this cause of grievous complaint, we make the following recommendations:

FIRST That we shall insist that no body of organized labor, nor shall any person issue a souvenir book claiming that such book or any other publication is issued for or on behalf of the American Federation of Labor.

SECOND-That any city chosen by a convention of the American Federation of Labor to hold the convention following shall not directly or indirectly through its Central Labor Union or otherwise issue a souvenir book claiming that such book is issued for or on behalf of the American Federation of Labor. THIRD-That in the event of any such souvenir book being projected or about to be issued, directly or indirectly, by the Central Labor body in the city in which the convention was selected to be held, in violation of the letter and spirit of these recommendations, the Executive Council may change the city in which the convention is to be held to the one which received the next highest number of votes for that honor.

FOURTH-That the Executive Council is hereby directed to prosecute any person or persons in the courts who shall in any way issue souvenir books, directories or other publications in which the name of the American Federation of Labor is used as publisher, owner or beneficiary.

FIFTH-That it be again emphasized that the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST is the official monthly magazine of the American Federation of Labor, and is the only publication in which advertisements are received. EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, A. F. OF L.

Report of Committee to Convention on the Above Report.

Perhaps there has been no more prolific source of dishonesty perpetrated in the name of organized labor than that involved in the publication of souvenir books. Unscrupulous projectors have victimized merchants and other friends of the movement in a most shameful fashion, and your committee heartily agrees with the strictures of the Executive Council upon the subject. We emphatically agree

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with the suggestions offered as a remedy and recommend their adoption. As an additional means to this end we would recommend that there be published in a conspicuous place in each issue of the AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST a notice to the effect that the American Federation of Labor is not sponsor nor interested in any souvenir publication of any kind.

Adopted by the Convention of the American Federation of Labor, December 14, 1901.

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AUGUST, 1911.

No. 8.



Dr. Washington Gladden, of Columbus, Ohio, has recently, in a series of five articles in the Outlook, made a study of American trade unionism as one of the institutions of America. The captions of his articles suggest the Doctor's plan of presenting his findings as to facts, with his consequent views. They are: "The Case Against the Labor Unions;" "The Reason for the Unions;" "Industry and Democracy;" "Cross-Lights and CounterClaims;" and "The Church and the Labor Question."

The trade union world is sufficiently acquainted with Dr. Gladden's writings to accept it as a foregone conclusion, on hearing that he has written these articles, that his task has been accomplished in the spirit of an impartial judge, sympathetic with all labor-sympathetic with the employer.

The trade unionist who desires the truth to prevail seeks neither flattery for his organization nor over-sentimentality regarding its purposes, nor yet a blinking of any of the charges made against it by its opponents. What he has a right to expect of any one who sets out to print an estimate of the trade union is a consideration of at least the major points of the subject in their due order, leaving the lay reader in position to form an opinion in the light of sufficiently full and well digested information and sound and honest reasoning. Dr. Gladden, so far as possible within the space of his articles, has fulfilled these requirements. He has not permitted himself to be diverted into side issues or to be balked by the hard names hurled at trade unionists from the other side, or to be voluminously explanatory over trifles. He has candidly given his readers an upright man's clean-cut opinion of a social question which is too often dismissed in terms of misty generalities by timid professional moral teachers. In turn, it can be said that if now and then he pronounces against the union his words are none

the less respected by sensible unionists who know how to take the bitter
with the sweet. Trade unionism is a large question. The unionist may be-
lieve, when he sees the Doctor disagree with him, that it is for either the
reader or the writer to learn a little more and think a little more. At one
point the unionist may be sure the Doctor is wrong; at another he may
doubt the soundness of his own opinion. In either case-patience.

Since Dr. Gladden's stand in these articles may be accepted, in a
general way, as that of a considerable body of sterling church people who
have deemed it not only worth their while but their religious obligation to
give the trade union a hearing, we in turn hold it to be our duty to endeavor
to offer our readers more than a mere summary of his opinions. We have
therefore decided to "skeletonize" his points successively, meantime recom-
mending the interested reader to go to the nearest public library and read
the articles in full; they began in the Outlook for March. In the following
matter, what is printed is entirely in Dr. Gladden's own language (much
of the context, however, being omitted), except the reference figures in
parentheses, which direct the reader to our reply to each point so indicated:


No sweeping statements can be justly made about existing relations between employers and employed. In many cases they are all that they ought to be. Among employers of labor there are tens of thousands of just-minded, honorable men and women who govern themselves in all their dealings with those who work for them by the Golden Rule; and among wage-workers there are hundreds of thousands of honest and faithful men and women who render cheerful and efficient service to those who employ them.

But the typical employer of today (the only employer known to most workingmen) is not a human being, but a great corporation; and the typical employe (the only employe known to most employers) is a unit of labor force, which may be numbered rather than named; and the only relation between the two is that of the "cash nexus," which is represented by the current wage. . . . All the important industries except agriculture are carried on in great establishments, employing hundreds, or thousands, or tens of thousands of laborers; capital is massed in great corporations, and the ownership of it is widely distributed among investors who have no knowledge whatever of the people whom their money is employing. These stockholders are the real employers. The directors and superintendents and general managers are simply their agents; and the real employers, as a rule, know nothing and care little about the welfare of the people who do the work. They have just one interest in the business, which is that the dividends on the stock shall be maintained without reduction; increased, if possible, and paid on the appointed day.

Twenty-five years ago there was much inquiry among employers about industrial partnership, or profit-sharing, as it was rather unhappily named. I had written something about it, and I used to get letters from employers very frequently

asking about the working of such plans. These methods are not much talked about in these days. The impulse to associate the men with the masters seems to have spent its force. The lessening importance of this feature in the industries of the present day is an indication of the growing aliena. tion of the two classes.

It can not be denied that in the attempt to protect themselves against oppression the unions have made many rules and restrictions which are often extremely vexatious to all who deal with them. All our neighbors are ready with tales of the annoyances and injuries which they have suffered by the enforcement of these petty rules by trade unions. The kind of rules which are often insisted upon, regulating the co-operation of the trades, forbidding a plasterer to drive a nail or a plumber to do the simplest task which belongs to a bricklayer, rigidly fixing the hours of labor and making it a misdemeanor for a workman to finish a job if fifteen minutes of work remain at the closing hour-all such petty restrictions are a just cause of complaint. They require men to act in outrageously disobliging and unneighborly ways; they are a training in ill-nature and unfriendliness. Cases frequently come to my knowledge of the behavior of union men acting under the rules of their trade, by which intolerable inconvenience is inflicted, not only upon their employers, but upon customers for whom the work is done. I do not believe that these petty restrictions are necessary to the success of organized labor. On the contrary, I believe that they are a serious hindrance in the way of its progress. The small advantages which are secured by means of them are more than neutralized by the ill-will which they engender in the breasts of those whose goodwill the unions greatly need (1).

The opposition of the unions to prison labor is another count in the indictment. This rests upon a narrow view of advantage which helps to discredit the unions. Here, again, a small gain to a

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