The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to order. He would suggest that when an hon. Member declared positively that he did not use certain words, it was not consistent with the usage of Parliament for another hon. Gentlemen to rise immediately and positively deny that statement. Mr. Labouchere rose also to order. He did not understand his hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton to assert that the hon. Gentleman opposite charged all the manufacturers, but that the hon. Gentleman had charged, as he certainly understood the hon. Member for Knaresborough to do, the bulk of the manufacturers of the Anti-Corn-law League with paying their men by the truck system. Mr. Villiers said, I trust the House will allow me to state what did take place on a former evening. Hon. Gentlemen present can bear me out in the correctness of the statement. I did misapprehend the hon. Member for Knaresborough in one respect. In my reply I said he charged all the manufacturers. That led to a disclaimer on the other side of the House, and at the same time some one reminded me of what the hon. Gentleman had said. I then said, "I understand the hon. Gentleman limited his charge to all the manufacturers who contributed to the association of the Anti-Corn-law League." The hon. Gentleman touched his hat, and said, "Decidedly." I do not say that the hon. Gentleman used the word "all," but that he included in his charge every manufacturer who had contributed to the Anti-Corn-League. The Speaker said, it was contrary to order to repeat a statement to which a positive denial had been given by the hon. Member for Knaresborough. When any hon. Member made a statement in his hon. Member made a statement in his place, it could not be questioned, by the rules of the House by any other hon. ment to extend it. Supposing the information could be obtained, and he feared it would be difficult to get it, would the hon. Member for Salford propose an inquiry into the truck system? He hoped he would do so, for knowing as he did, that the truck system existed to a great extent in the part of the kingdom with which he was immediately connected, after the statements which had been made, he thought it was utterly impossible for the matter to rest in its present stage. He did not believe it was in the power of the Legislature to put down the truck system completely, but by inquiry into it, and making public the result, it might be much checked. Mr. Brotherton intended to move for a return of the cotton, woollen, hose, and silk mills, in which the truck system existed, because those mills were regulated by Act of Parliament, and the inspectors could furnish the returns. With respect to factories not subject to inspection, he did not see how the information could be obtained. His object was not to show the extent to which the truck system existed, for he believed, that it was not practised by any factories subject to inspection by law. He had made inquiry on the subject, and had ascertained that the inspector could make the return. Lord John Russell said, before he made any observation concerning the second reading of the bill before the House, he thought it important that the House should understand the manner in which the question rested with respect to accusations brought against certain of the manufacturers of this country. He certainly did not understand any allegation to have been made positively of all the manufacturers belonging to the the accusation to have been made with the Anti-Corn-law League. He understood explanation that it did not apply to all the manufacturers of England, but only to those belonging to the Anti-Corn-law League. Certainly, the impression with which he went away-he did not know the precise words used-was, that the accusations were applied to the great bulk, the great majority of those manufacturers; that the general description of the manufacturers belonging to the Anti-Corn-law League was, that they were guilty, first, of Sir B. Hall said, the hon. Member for fraudulent practices with regard to their Salford had a motion for Tuesday next manufactures, and, in the second place, of for returns relative to the truck system, actually cheating their workmen, by paying upon which the hon. Member for Knares- them in goods worth 25 per cent. less than borough had given notice of an amend-were charged. It now appeared, as he Member. Mr. Villiers said, then if I misapprehended the hon. Member, I am ready to receive his explanation that, instead of all the manufacturers of the Anti-Cornlaw League, he alluded only to some individuals. by sordid views and selfish interests solely, either in maintaining, altering, or repealing any code of laws. Charges so unfounded ought not to be brought forward by any one. With respect to the motion of the right hon. Gentleman, as to the reading of this bill a second time, he must say, from the communications that had been made to him, he believed it was the ciple in question—whether or not it should be made the settlement of a question that had been so long debated. That, then, being the case, he did not say that the question could be brought on on Monday, and that they could debate and divide on the question; but if it were brought on after the estimates, it would be impossible for them, with any effect, to enter upon the second reading. He hoped, then, the right hon. Gentleman would not bring on this bill after the estimates, for it could not lead to a satisfactory termination. It certainly was the intention to take the debate and sense of the House with regard to the principle of the bill. understood the explanation of the hon. fellow-countrymen were really influenced Member for Knaresborough, that what he meant was only that some of the manufacturers of the Anti-Corn-law League were guilty of these practices, and that, to that extent, he was ready to prove his statement. That certainly was not in contradiction with the declaration read by his hon. Friend. There might be manufacturers belonging to the Anti-Corn-law League who had been guilty of these prac-intention to take a debate upon the printices, as there might be manufacturers in favour of the Corn-law who were guilty of the same. In like manner, charges might be brought against farmers. Some cases might be found of farmers paying the wages of their labourers in a very narrow and oppressive manner. What was to be avoided, if possible, was bringing forward charges of this kind in such a manner as to produce the impression that any great body of our countrymen, whether engaged in manufactures or in agriculture, were guilty of fraudulent practices. It was much to be regretted that when the hon. Member made an accusation so limited and so confined, that he did not express himself more cautiously, and much more guardedly; and above all, that those who listened to him should not have instantly come to the conclusion, which it seemed to him they had now arrived at, that the hon. Member had directed his charges against all the manufacturers who were members of the Anti-the Corn-law League. The hon. Gentleman had, on further explanation, stated, that he had the means of bringing charges against certain persons, and no doubt he would have the opportunity of doing so. That was the way in which the case rested at present. He, for his part, had heard with pain the speech of the hon. Member. He had seen with very great pain, likewise, the charges that were to be found in many Mr. M. Philips wished to ask a question speeches made not in that House, but out of that House, by those who belonged to of the right hon. Gentleman at the head the Anti Corn-law League. There were of the Government, as well as the Vicecharges imputing to those who were for President of the Board of Trade. It was maintaining the Corn-laws, that they with reference to a portion of the speech wished to maintain them, and were ani- delivered by the hon. Member for Knaresmated with the wish so to maintain them, borough. It was in his recollection that in order that they might enjoy a revenue the hon. Member, in discussing the truck at the expense of the people. He did not system, had made a sweeping charge, think that anybody would deny that particularly against those whom he had such charges had been made. What-the honour to represent-those engaged ever a person's occupation might be, in the manufacture of cotton. It had that mode of occupation might bias the been stated by the hon. Member, that person's views as to what were the views their foreign trade had suffered from that of the national interest; but then it was which was described as a certain practice not to be supposed that any part of their of using flour to fill up the substance of Mr. Ferrand had, he said, asserted that there were frauds perpetrated in manufactured goods in this country, and it prevailed to a very great and frightful extent. Not only that, but the truck system was daily on the increase; and what would be end of it for the working people he knew not. lection differed from that of the House, to Mr. Villiers begged, as far as his recolread just one line of the speech made. Member must be perfectly aware, that to The Speaker conceived that the hon of Parliament in which that speech was read the report of a speech, in the Session spoken, was decidedly irregular. Sir Robert Peel stated he could only give his opinion upon facts that had been represented to him. He had no recollection of having seen any representation of that description. the goods. Now, he wished to know from | be most anxious for the public convenience, either of the right hon. Gentlemen oppo- and the public convenience alone, to m site, if they had heard of any diminution his statement that day week. He should in their foreign trade in this article, from not insist that the whole of the army and the mode in which the cotton goods were navy estimates should be voted before he prepared? made his statement. He wished to avail himself of no pretext for postponing it; but he thought it was of great importance that the House should pronounce an opinion on the main branches of the naval and military service, and whether the general views of the country coincided with what the Government deemed to be the necessary demand to be made upon it. It was of importance that the House should declare its opinion as to the amount of force to be kept up both in the navy and army. When the House had determined what they considered would be necessary for the maintenance of the number of its seamen, and for the upholding the military force-when votes for these purposes were reported, he should feel himself justified in proposing Subject at an end. He the navy, that the House resolve itself into a Com mittee of Ways and Means, and on the foundation of the votes then passed, explain Government. As he had said before, it the views and intentions of her Majesty's FINANCIAL STATEMENT.] Sir R. Peel, in answer to the question put to him by the noble Lord (Lord John Russell), wished to state that his motive for naming Monday for the second reading of the Corn-law Bill was solely in reference to the public interest and the general convenience. wished it should be known that what he was about to say, in answer to the noble Lord, was as to the course that he was desirous to pursue, and then he must depend entirely on what might be the pleasure of the House. He received daily communications which urged upon him the advantage of taking the earliest opportunity of stating what were the views of her Majesty's Go-was his own impression that the public vernment with respect to financial matters, and the commercial affairs of this country. He felt that there was much justice and force in these representations, and therefore it was, that he had given notice for voting the estimates that night for the navy and army in a committee of supply. Wednes day being the 23rd of March, they were to recollect that the following Friday was a day on which they could not meet. On the 24th, Thursday, there would then be a necessary interruption to their attention to Parliamentary business. He proposed, then, that the estimates for the army and navy should make such progress in committee of supply as would justify him in explaining the intentions of her Majesty's Government, both as to their financial and commercial affairs. Under all the circumstances in which they were placcd, he was most anxious not to postpone his statement beyond that day week. Because, if he did, there might be a difficulty in the House coming to a definite judgment, with regard to his statement, before its separation. With reference to himself, he had no personal convenience to consult; but seeing the interruption that necessarily took place in commercial transactions, and that it must continue until all doubts were solved with respect to the intentions of Government, he should convenience should be consulted by adopting the plan that he proposed. He earnestly hoped, then, that the House would affirm the proposal of the Government with regard to the amount of force necessary for the purposes of the country, and that he thus might be in a condition on Friday next of explaining the views of the Government, both as to their finances and commerce. If it were intended, however, to take a discould hardly hope the matter would be discussion on the principle of the bill, he posed of on Monday. It was, however, be deemed, better for him not to relinquish the hope of disposing of it on Monday, but if he were not able to bring on the bill early on Monday, and he would not propose it unless he could do so at an early hour, then he should name Wednesday next for the second reading. He did not mean, he repeated it, to propose the second reading on Monday unless he could bring it forward at such an early hour that it could be fully discussed. Lord John Russell considered it probable, that the navy estimates might be disposed of that evening, or early on Monday. After the statement of the right hon. Gentleman, that he was about to bring forward that which was of so much importance to the country at this moment, he had a request to make of his hon. and gallant Friend (Sir A. L. Hay), who sat near him, and who had given notice of a very important question for that evening. However important the question was-and it was, he admitted, of very great importance-still it was not of such importance as to justify his hon, and gallant Friend in preventing, under present circumstances, their proceeding with a Committee of Supply. He hoped, then, that his hon. and gallant Friend would be induced to postpone his motion, when there was not such a pressure, and allow them to have the financial statement of the Government before them. Sir A. Leith Hay felt very anxious to bring forward the question of which he had given notice; but as a wish had been expressed by his noble Friend, and as the statement of the right hon. Baronet, the First Minister of the Crown, was about to be made, he should, in no way; throw an impediment in that which was of such paramount importance to the country. Viscount Howick considered, that it would be most desirable that they should not hurry forward with the corn bill, even though the right hon. Gentleman did promise them to make his financial statement. If the bill were printed to-morrow, there would be very little time for considering its details. It would be of great advantage, in his opinion, when they knew what was to be the policy as to their trade and commerce-it would be of advantage when they had the financial statement of the Government, to have this bill before them, as it might materially affect the question as to what sort of corn bill they ought to have. If the statement were made on so early a day as Friday, there would be no inconvenience in having the debate on the question of the Corn-law Bill postponed until they had the other measures before them. the sums necessary for supply of the navy and army, that some effective inquiry should be made as to the religious instruction of those in the service of the Queen. They ought to remember, that a considerable portion of these troops were of the Roman Catholic religion. The portion of them employed in the navy was not so great as in the army. Ireland, however, supplied them with one class, for whom the late Lord Collingwood felt particularly interested. Ireland did not supply as many seamen as England; but there were a great number of boys procured from Ireland, who were found to be amongst the very best employed in that service. It being certain, that a considerable number of seamen were Roman Catholics, it must be admitted as a fact, that no provision was made for religious worship, or for any instruction in their religion. Not one single shilling was allocated for that purpose in the navy. The seamen had no communication with clergymen of their own persuasion, and they had no religious instruction. This fact was undoubted, and he submitted that something ought to be done to remedy thidestitution. Not only were they left withs out religious instruction, but from communications he had received, he found that in some-not all-but comparatively in many of the vessels, the seamen were compelled to attend a religious worship in which they could not conscientiously coincide. That was an evil that ought to be remedied. Then, with relation to the coast guard in Ireland, he had to observe, that several of the coast guard in that country took an active part in controversies in that country. There was one portion of the Achill island which had been much subjected to discussions of this description. This unhappy spirit of dissension had been attributed to some of the officers of the coast guard, who alleged as their excuse an order from the Admiralty, which compelled the reading of prayers to the men by the officer commanding at the station. If such an instruction existed, it ought to be produced; if it were denied, then it must be known how unjustifiable was the conduct referred to. He wanted to know whether such instructions had been given, and if they had, what objection there could be to their being produced? He now contented himself with merely calling notice to the utter destitution of religious instruction men. Sir R. Peel had not, he said, made an inquiry as to whether there were such instructions; but if there were he had no objection to their production. As to the other matters to which his attention was called, he considered the subject of too much importance to enter upon it when not fully prepared to discuss it. To the motion, he begged to say, that he made no objection. for Roman Catholics in the naval service | France. The right hon. Baronet had by clergymen of their own persuasion. stated on a former occasion the general The hon. Member concluded, by moving interest which the Government of England for a copy of the instructions given to the took in the present established order of water guard in Ireland respecting Divine things in Spain, and upon that ground service, and the reading of prayers to the alone such representations would be justifiable. But the Quadruple Treaty constituted still stronger grounds; for although it might be contended that that treaty had been so far worked out that it could not longer be appealed to for the purpose of calling upon the contracting parties to take active measures in pursuance of its stipulations, yet considering that the spirit of that treaty ought to animate and guide the councils both of France and England, that treaty would not only justify, but strongest representations should in the seemed absolutely to require, that the present state of things be made to the French government on the danger now threatened to Spain, originating in proceedings from France, and which the government of France had the power to prevent. Therefore it was, that he could not doubt but that the English Government had made strong representations to the government of France on this subject. Moreover, he took for granted, that the government of France must have given to the English Government assurances that they would use every means within their Motion agreed to. Question again put. INVASION OF SPAIN.] Viscount Palmerston wished, before the Speaker left the Chair, to ask a question of the right hon. Baronet the head of her Majesty's Government. As the subject on which he wished to make an inquiry was one to which the attention of the right hon. Baronet had been drawn some time since by his hon. Friend, the Member for the Tower Hamlets, and as he was sure, that it was one to which the deep and earnest attention of her majesty's Government must have been given, he trusted, that he should be ex-power to prevent the combination which cused for not having given notice of his intention to ask the question, and he was convinced, that the Government would be able at once to give an answer to it-the subject to which it related was the present state of affairs in Spain, the tranquillity of that country being threatened by an irruption from France. Since the time when his hon. Friend had asked a question on this subject, reports had become still more prevalent of an organization going on in France of enlistments being made, of dépôts being formed out of the Carlist refugees, and of an organization of a very extensive character, and necessarily in volving the expenditure of large sums of money. That these things were now going on in France was a matter notorious to all the world; and it was also known that these things were done for the avowed purpose of an irruption into Spain-of an irruption into Spain, for the purpose of forwarding the views of the Carlist party. He could not then doubt, under such circumstances, but that her Majesty's Government had made a strong representation on these matters to the government of was now going on in that country from taking effect. He could not believe, that the French government, owing its origin as it did to the popular will-founded as it was upon popular institutions—would lend itself to any conspiracy that was avowedly and notoriously organised for the purpose of controlling the will of the people of Spain in regard to their own institutions, and for setting up an absolute despotism, or that which nearly approximated to despotism, in Spain. But the experience they had had of the power of the French government, to control transactions of this kind within its own territory, must expose it to the imputation of connivance with the transaction to which he referred, if nothing were done by it to prevent the bursting forth of the conspiracy that was now going on. He wished, then, to ask the right hon. Gentleman, whether, besides the assurances to this effect, which he took for granted had been received by her Majesty's Government from the government of France, that all should be done which it was in the power of that government to do, to prevent the |