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What had been at first a timid conspiracy, became an open rebellion ; what had been the opinion of a few, became the passion of all; the spirit of resistance pervaded all minds; the march of the governments was checked at every step ; in all controversies, public opinion always pronounced against power. The victims were followed in their exile with anxious benedictions ; their prisons were visited as the shrines of martyrs; their blood was gathered at the foot of the scaffold, and thrown towards heaven with prayers for a speedy hour of revenge. Politics had become the favorite topic of all circles. They preyed upon the heart like a consumptive disease. Pleasure had lost its zest; theatres and masquerades, their attraction. The abodes of vice, deserted, mourned over the improvement of morals.
Such was the state of Italy at the epoch of the French revolution of 1830. The first tidings of the stormy days of July had the effect of an electric shock. France, that nation fatally destined to drag all Europe after her, had again raised the first cry. Belgium had followed her example; Poland had thrown the gauntlet to her northern oppressor ; now or never was the moment for Italy to start from her torpor. The members of old political associations rallied ; the scattered links of the national bond were soldered anew ; the friends of the country met with, and recognised each other at a glance, and saw each others' faces radiant with pride and confidence. Private feuds were forgotten ; private interests sacrificed; the differences of rank were levelled, ancient prejudices were laid aside. The dawn of liberty everywhere manifests itself by the same symptoms; it is a universal reconciliation, a reform, a redemption. The men in power looked sad and pale ; their tone was manifestly lowered; they put on their kindest look, their best smile. The minds of numbers thus disposed, what remained was, to give the reëxcited energy a favorable direction. For this the secret societies provided, and the people, as usual, looked towards them for a signal. Having studied the causes of the unfortunate issue of their attempts in 1820, the Carbonari were carefully extending their correspondence, so as to prepare all elements for an instantaneous general explosion. They knew that the greatest effect was to be expected from Naples and Piedmont, the two largest sections of the country, and, by their standing armies, the main strength of the nation. The Italian soldiery, brave and well trained, impatient of the
severe discipline and of the stagnating life of their garrisons, had always been, and were now, impatient for a new state of things. A revolution at Naples and Turin was now easier than ever ; and the principal actors in the conspiracy spoke of it with a boldness, which nothing but the certainty of success could inspire.
An unexpected incident, however, occurred to impede the regular march of affairs, and the impatience of the friends of liberty hurried on the project to its injury. Charles Felix, King of Sardinia, was on his deathbed ; bis heir apparent was that Charles Albert, Prince of Carignano, who had already espoused the popular party in 1821, and, in that first effervescence, had been hailed King of Italy. His subsequent treasons and his cowardly apostasy had somewhat dishonored his name ; still it was a general belief, that at his accession, through ambition at least, he would stand at the head of the movement. The immediate death of the old king would thus have prevented in Piedmont all effusion of blood, and its armies, sound and untouched, would have marched over Lombardy, where the great contest with Austria was to be waged.
France, meanwhile, had already succeeded in arming Belgium, Poland, and a good part of Germany in the cause of its own newly-adopted principles. Italy alone was still silent; and her apparent indolence, and the slow and cautious proceedings of her Carbonari, excited the discontent of the French court, which wished to see Austria engaged in some different work from that of watching its own policy.
Towards the end of December, 1830, under the administration of Perier and Sebastiani, the French government announced, that France assumed not to be the propagandist of liberal doctrines; that she would never, directly or indirectly, conspire against the peace of her neighbours, or take part with the people against their legitimate governments ; but that, in return, no government, under the pretext of alliance, should interfere with the political revolutions wbich might take place in other countries, France being determined to use all her power to secure fair play for the two parties, in case of political differences between sovereign and subjects. This proclamation, too well known in Europe under the name of non-intervention, determined the course of the Italian revolutionists.
The existence of every one of the existing governments of Italy depended exclusively upon the overbearing influence of
of the beautiful fancy, the perfect grace, the mild philosophy, the well-applied learning, the warm religious sentiment, the heart-felt moral touches, and the careful self-discipline, which pervaded the writings, and no doubt the conversation of his long-tried friend. He was a perpetual fountain of instruction and delight to himself in their joint labors for the good of the English people.
The petty political difference which separated them towards the close of Addison's life, must have its place in their biography, and is not without its lesson. But even if they had not been reconciled, yet this hostility between men in political life, who had loved each other in their best days and noblest pursuits, would scarcely throw a cloud over the cheerful remeinbrance we have of their united names and efforts. It was early in their friendship that Steele said to Addison ; “There is nothing I so ardently wish, as that we may some time or other publish a work written by us both, which shall bear the name of The Monument, in memory of our friendship.” They have left the monument in their joint works, and the world best remembers them by the inscription.
But Addison was not Steele's sole coadjutor. He received assistance from many quarters. Sometimes important hints came from other friends, or from unknown persons through the letter-box, which he afterwards put into proper form. Besides, we know, that he received entire articles from several of the best writers of the time, and among them are no less names than Swift, Parnell, Berkeley, Young, Pope, and Gay. We do not mean by this to intimate, that Steele himself, as editor, was not a hard-working man. This would not do to say of a man, who had the sole charge of the Tatler and Guardian, and furnished two fifths of the papers in the first seven Volumes of the Spectator, — the only volumes, we believe, in which his articles can be traced. Indolent as he has been called, and fond of fashionable life and political questions, he was yet able to bring himself to work day by day to get his journal ready. In allusion to the constant pressure upon him, he says; “When a man has engaged to keep a stagecoach, he is obliged, whether he has passengers or not, to set out;" and, after this apology for the nothing that is to come, he proceeds as usual to something that has just fallen under his notice, or else is apparently burdened with the applications of correspondents for immediate advice, so that he is compelled
hearty execration after him, and hoped they were to have no more of his company. Thus had the insurrection reached the confines of the territory of Maria Louisa.
The animosity between this lady and her subjects was now at its highest pitch. The public revenues being totally exhausted, the successors of General Neipperg, worthless emmissaries of Austria, had had recourse to the desperate expedient of paper currency. A tremendous riot of the laboring people had forced the government to abandon that measure. Tumults and mutipies sprang up among the students of the University, and several young men of the best families were arrested, and sent to a fortress in the heart of the Apennines. The pride of the highest and the interests of the lowest classes were thus equally wounded, when the national tricolor standard appeared on the bridge of the Enza, on the Modenese boundary, five miles east of Parma. The roads to the bridge were covered with people of all ranks, men, women, and children, walking, riding, driving to salute the rainbow of liberty. The young women cut up green, red, and white ribands, to make tricolored cockades and scarfs. The young men loaded their guns, and whetted the point of their poniards. Maria Louisa armed her twelve hundred grenadiers, levelled her six cannon, and harangued her troops on the square of her palace. Day and night her dragoons, with drawn swords and lighted torches, ran madly in different directions to clear the streets. There was a dead silence ; no movement of the people betokened that they had any thing at stake. But horses cannot run, nor soldiers watch, for ever. After three days of such vigorous patrolling, men and beasts were exhausted and sleepy.
Maria Louisa asked a reinforcement of the Austrian garrison at Placentia ; the Austrian garrison replied, They had no orders.
The people peeped out at the windows. From the windows they began to shoot the dragoons as they passed ; then they sallied out into the streets, and, joining in formidable bands, drove those weary squadrons before them ; square after square, and row after row, the ducal troops lost ground, and the scene of the skirmishing was transferred to the doors of the palace. There the two factions stood confronting each other, each in their ranks, each under leaders measuring with their eyes the chances of the day. In that dreadful suspense, the Duchess, terrified, all bathed in tears, ap
- No. 99.
and almost every kind of opinion, conversation, tastes, fashions, follies, vices. Till we think a little of the subject, we shall have no conception of the minuteness and extent of information which these papers give us. It seems as if nothing were left untold; not because we have looked for every thing and found it, but because nothing is felt to be wanting. London is all about us. We do not take it in at once, or, like strangers and travellers, go over the whole, as a business; but we become acquainted with it as we do with our own town and neighbours, in the course of our business and amusements. Such is the charm and power of these sketches of real life, drawn incidentally in the course of moral instruction, and not prepared for the purpose of giving lively and complete representations.
ART. III. - Resumo de Observações Geologicas feitas em
uma Viagem a’s Ilhas da Madeira, Porto Santo, e Açores, nos Annos de 1835 e 1836, pelo Conde Vargas DE BEDEMAR, Camarista de El-Rei de Dinamarca, Director do Museo Real da Historia Natural, e Socio da Academia Real das Sciencias em Compenhagen. Lisboa ; Galbardo Irmãos. 1837. 12mo. pp. 14.
Summary of Geological Observations made in a Voyage to the Islands of Madeira, Porto Santo, and Azores, in the Years 1835 and 1836, by Count VARGAS DE BEDEMAR
The student of Geology finds nothing in his popular and fascinating department of science, that has stronger claims upon his attention, or is calculated to awaken more ardent curiosity, than the phenomena exhibited by volcanoes in action, or by tracts of country, which have, as it were, been created by those whose energies have long since been exhausted. The volcanic or non volcanic origin of the rocks and strata of countries, which, to common observers, present no indications of the manner in which they have been formed, has been one of the most fruitful topics of discussion and of keen controversy among the geologists of Europe. Long and perilous journeys have been undertaken, and expensive and wearisome