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directions were called effective, secondary, and principal. They took the title of effective directions, as soon as they were composed of ten members. Every effective direction could establish a secondary one, which had no relation but with it. But if the secondary direction established, in its turn, another composed of ten members, it became independent of its founder. The title of principal direction was given to those which had established three free societies. The principal direction had the prerogative of receiving the second part of the regulations. In every direction there was elected a council, composed of an overseer or two chiefs, according as the direction consisted of ten or twenty mem-bers. All affairs, both in the di-rections and central union, were sdecided by a plurality of votes. -The names of the members who had merited well of the union were inscribed in a book of honour, and -those who had been expelled, in a book of ignominy. They had the -right of leaving the union, but -were bound to secresy on every thing which they had learned while in it. There was no partiscular ceremony of admission. The new member put in a written debclaration, which was afterwards burnt without his knowledge. -Every member was bound to give to the treasury the twenty-fifth part of his annual income; but this regulation was so little observed, that only five thousand roubles were collected in all, and these were spent for purposes unconnected with the objects of the society.

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to speak, only the doctrines of the exoteric school; there was an es oteric school, into which only the more select conspirators were fadmitted, and in which their practical political schemes for the regeneration of Russia were discussed, almost every conceivable plan of reform being proposed, and eno distinct course ever resolved upon or adopted. Some wished to cestablish a government, in which the supreme authority should be concentrated in a triumvirate, sof which they flattered themselves they would make a part others intended to divide Russia into several independent administrations, united by a federal bond, to be called states, of which they hoped they would be constituted the heads: others dreamed of detaching different provinces of the empire, either to give them complete independence, or to cede them to neighbouring powers: and others still were willing to retain monarchy, transferring the crown from Alexander, toshis wife the empress Elizabeth. There was no unity of sentiment or design, no steadiness of purpose: what had been unanimously agreed to was frequently unanimously altered a few hours afterwards. The assassination of the emperor was again spoken of, and steps towards its perpetration were actually taken; but whether by the mad zeal of individuals, or in execution of resolutions of the whole body, was very doubtful. In 1823, two members went for that purpose to Bobronisk, through which the emperor was to pass, but the 7 non-appearance of their accomplices discouraged them from making the attempt. In 1825, it was once more resolved upons: a man who had been loaded with

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favours by the emperor, strenu ously manifested an eager desire to be the assassin, objecting to all delay; and it was decided that the regicides should proceed to Tagan rog, where his imperial majesty resided: but, upon further deliberation, it was agreed to delay the enterprise till the month of May, 1826, when the conspirators supposed he would review the troops in the neighbourhood of Bela Tserkoff. In the autumn, too, of 1825, another conspirator arrived at Petersburgh, from the extremities of Russia, and, having been affiliated in the northern as sociation, offered his arm to assassinate the emperor.

It is impossible to conjecture what might have happened, if Alexander had lived to review his troops at Taganrog, where such discoveries had already been made to the emperor of the machinations that were going on, as led to the immediate adoption of measures of precaution, and gave the first information of the plot to the government at St. Petersburg. His unexpected death, however, took them altogether unprepared, and, joined to the knowledge that part of the plot had been already detected, induced them to act rashly, in the hope that the confusion of the moment might supply the want of means and fore sight.

The submission of Constantine deprived them of one great hold upon the army. Batenkov, who, when the attempt was actually made, was one of the first to desert his party, exclaimed "That the opportunity which they had suffered to escape would not recur in fifty years; that if there had been any wise heads in the council of state, Russia would, at that moment, have been taking an

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oath of fidelity to a new sovereign, and to new laws; but that all was irreparably lost." The intelligence, however, that the grand duke Constantine persisted in his refusal of the crown, gave fresh life to the hopes of the conspirators: they flattered themselves that they could deceive the troops and the people, by persuading them that the grand duke never had renounced the crown, and, under this pretext, excite them to overturn the government. The fac tion was then to take advantage of the confusion, to establish a provisional government, which should order chambers to be formed throughout the provinces for the election of deputies. Two legislative chambers were to be instituted, the highest to be composed of permanent members. They were next to proceed to form provincial chambers, which were to have a local legislation; to convert the military colonies into a national guard; and place the citadel of St. Petersburg in the hands of the municipality.

According to another plan, developed by Batenkov, the conspirators were to separate, some proclaiming the grand duke Constantine, and others Nicholas; and if the majority should be in favour of the former, the latter was either to have consented to the re-modelling of the public institutions, and to the establishment of a provisional government, or to have postponed his accession to the throne; and then the conspirators, declaring such postponement to be an abdication, were to have proclaimed the grand duke Alexander, his son, as emperor. Batenkov assumed that, at the moment of this revolutionary explosion, an attempt would be made against

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the life of Nicholas, and Rieliev embracing Kahovsky, said to him, "My dear friend, you are alone in the world; you ought to sacrifice yourself for the sake of society assassinate the emperor." At the same instant the other con spirators embraced him, and he promised to do it. He was to have gained access to the palace, disguised as an officer of grena diers, or to have waited on one of the steps which his majesty was to have passed; but he discovered subsequently that the project was not feasible, and the conspirators concurred in his opinion.

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It was known that the manifesto of the emperor Nicholas on his accession to the throne would appear on the 26th of December, and that day was fixed upon by the conspirators for the out-break ing of the revolt; trusting, notwithstanding their want of con cert, that their own military in fluence, and the name of Constantine, the legitimate heir of the throne, whose refusal of the crown was to be represented as a falsehood, or as the effect of compulsion, would seduce the soldiery in the critical moment when they were about to take the oath to Nicholas. Even on the 25th they were sanguine as to their success. Baron Steinbell had already begun a manifesto, announcing that the two grand-dukes had given up to a noble band of patriots the nomination of a sovereign; that the senate had ordered a general convocation of the deputies of the empire; and that in the interval there was to be a provisional government. As the moment approached, the greater number of the conspirators exhibited impatience, and their leaders betrayed irresolution, remorse, and fear.

It was decided that their chief should go the following day to the senate-house, and head the troops who refused to take the oath; but the two captains, who were to command under his orders, contrived to be absent; the one, because, having been but newly initiated into the conspiracy, he did not thoroughly understand its object; the other, because he sus pected the majority of the leaders. Of the principal conspirators who were to have appeared at the rendezvous to take the command of the troops, Bulatov presented himself merely as a spectator; Yakubovitch did not remain an instant; and prince Trubetsky hastened to take the oath to Nicholas, thus hoping to efface a part of his crime; and then fled to the Austrian minister, his wife's brother-in-law, where count Nesselrode claimed him by order of the emperor. Batenkoff followed his example. The inferior traitors behaved with greater courage, and, at least, did not betray their cause, wicked and impracticable as it was, in the moment of danger. Rieliev had succeeded in seducing the officers in the marine barracks, who, after a long resistance, determined to take part in the insurrection; and the sailors, led away by them, refused to take the oath. General Schipo, who had been commissioned to administer it, placed the officers under arrest; but they were speedily liberated by the conspirators, exclaiming,

Do you hear those vollies? your comrades are being massacred!" At these words, the battalion darted from the barracks, and met with a lieutenant of the regiment of Finland, who cried out to them, "Form against the cavalry."

Prince Stehapine, after having

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favours by the emperor, strenu ously manifested an eager desire to be the assassin, objecting to all delay; and it was decided that the regicides should proceed to Taganrog, where his imperial majesty resided: but, upon further de liberation, it was agreed to delay the enterprise till the month of May, 1826, when the conspirators supposed he would review the troops in the neighbourhood of Bela Tserkoff. In the autumn, too, of 1825, another conspirator arrived at Petersburgh, from the extremities of Russia, and, having been affiliated in the northern association, offered his arm to assassinate the emperor.

It is impossible to conjecture what might have happened, if Alexander had lived to review his troops at Taganrog, where such discoveries had already been made to the emperor of the machinations that were going on, as led to the immediate adoption of measures of precaution, and gave the first information of the plot to the government at St. Petersburg. His unexpected death, however, took them altogether unprepared, and, joined to the knowledge that part of the plot had been already detected, induced them to act rashly, in the hope that the confusion of the moment might supply the want of means and foresight. The submission of Constantine deprived them of one great hold upon the army. Baten kov, who, when the attempt was actually made, was one of the first to desert his party, exclaimed"That the opportunity which they had suffered to escape would not recur in fifty years; that if there had been any wise heads in the council of state, Russia would, at that moment, have been taking an

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oath of fidelity to a new sovereign, and to new laws; but that all was irreparably lost." The intelligence, however, that the grand duke Constantine persisted in his refusal of the crown, gave fresh life to the hopes of the conspirators: they flattered themselves that they could deceive the troops and the people, by persuading them that the grand duke never had renounced the crown, and, under this pretext, excite them to overturn the government. The faction was then to take advantage of the confusion, to establish a provisional government, which should order chambers to be formed throughout the provinces for the election of deputies. Two legislative chambers were to be instituted, the highest to be composed of permanent members. They were next to proceed to form provincial chambers, which were to have a local legislation; to convert the military colonies into a national guard; and place the citadel of St. Petersburg in the hands of the municipality.

According to another plan, developed by Batenkov, the conspirators were to separate, some proclaiming the grand duke Constantine, and others Nicholas; and if the majority should be in favour of the former, the latter was either to have consented to the re-modelling of the public institutions, and to the establishment of a provisional government, or to have postponed his accession to the throne; and then the conspirators, declaring such postponement to be an abdication, were to have proclaimed the grand duke Alexander, his son, as emperor. Batenkov assumed that, at the moment of this revolutionary explosion, an attempt would be made against

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the life of Nicholas, and Rieliev embracing Kahovsky, said to him, "My dear friend, you are alone in the world; you ought to sacri fice yourself for the sake of society assassinate the emperor." At the same instant the other con spirators embraced him, and he promised to do it. He was to have gained access to the palace, disguised as an officer of grena diers, or to have waited on one of the steps which his majesty was to have passed; but he discovered subsequently that the project was not feasible, and the conspirators concurred in his opinion.

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It was known that the manifesto of the emperor Nicholas on his accession to the throne would appear on the 26th of December, and that day was fixed upon by the conspirators for the out-break ing of the revolt; trusting, notwithstanding their want of concert, that their own military influence, and the name of Constantine, the legitimate heir of the throne, whose refusal of the crown was to be represented as a falsehood, or as the effect of compulsion, would seduce the soldiery in the critical moment when they were about to take the oath to Nicholas. Even on the 25th they were sanguine as to their success. Baron Steinbell had already begun a manifesto, announcing that the two grand-dukes had given up to a noble band of patriots the nomination of a sovereign; that the senate had ordered a general convocation of the deputies of the empire; and that in the interval there was to be a provisional government. As the moment approached, the greater number of the conspirators exhibited impatience, and their leaders betrayed irresolution, remorse, and fear.

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It was decided that their chief should go the following day to the senate-house, and head the troops who refused to take the oath; but the two captains, who were to command under his orders, contrived to be absent; the one, because, having been but newly initiated into the conspiracy, he did not thoroughly understand its object; the other, because he suspected the majority of the leaders. Of the principal conspirators who were to have appeared at the rendezvous to take the command of the troops, Bulatov presented himself merely as a spectator; Yakubovitch did not remain an instant; and prince Trubetsky hastened to take the oath to Nicholas, thus hoping to efface a part of his crime; and then fled to the Austrian minister, his wife's brother-in-law, where count. Nesselrode claimed him by order of the emperor. Batenkoff followed his example. The inferior traitors behaved with greater courage, and, at least, did not betray their cause, wicked and impracticable as it was, in the moment of danger. Rieliev had succeeded in seducing the officers in the marine barracks, who, after a long resistance, determined to take part in the insurrection; and the sailors, led away by them, refused to take the oath. General Schipo, who had been commissioned to administer it, placed the officers under arrest; but they were speedily liberated by the conspirators, exclaiming, "Do you hear those vollies? your comrades are being massacred!" At these words, the battalion darted from the barracks, and met with a lieutenant of the regiment of Finland, who cried out to them, "Form against the cavalry."

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Prince Stehapine, after having

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