of dominion was probably never exceeded in any individual of the human race. From our cooperation with Spain much was expected; and the result must have been very different from what we have experienced, had the people of that oppressed and degraded country found an interest in bringing back their old government: had they determined to be free and inde pendent, the armies sent against them must have been subdued. In some instances we have glorious proofs of what a people can do in vindicating their rights; a few of the armies of France know full well, that the highest state of discipline and the most experienced soldiers can do little when opposed by a nation enthusiastically devoted to their own cause. Should Spain ultimately bend its neck to that power which has humbled so many states; should she eventually sit down contented with a king who has no title to the crown but that which power confers, the historian will unquestionably trace the causes rather to the want of a welldirected and general opposition to the enemy, than to his prowess and numbers. The facts, and the public papers to be recorded in this volume, will indisputably prove that Spain has not yet "willed to be free and independent of France." It cannot be forgotten, that in the summer and autumn of 1808 it was almost the unanimous wish of this country to afford to the people and self-created governments of Spain every assistance in reinstating themselves in their former rank in the world. The British cabinet was excited to lend them all the aid in men and in money that their situation and circumstances could require. The experiment was fairly tried, and

the fate of sir John Moore and his brave army, the reports of every officer and man who had an opportunity of ascertaining the sentiments of the Spanish people, abundantly proved that the mass of the country did not covet British interference to save them from, what appeared to us, their much-dreaded ruin. The necessity and expediency of a second expedition to Spain, or of the still more extended one to Holland, will be discussed in the future proceedings of parlia ment: all will deplore their termination, and the dire effects of that disease which every medical man anticipated as the certain result of an autumn campaign in the Dutch islands. These are subjects that must occupy our attention in the closing chapters of the history of the year, though it may be difficult to unravel all the important circumstances that led to the undertaking, or which rendered it unsuccessful and disastrous in the highest degree. A recent duel between two of his majesty's ministers, and cabinet counsellors, a thing unpa ralleled in the history of the world, has already been the means of developing sorne facts important to be known as connected with the expedition to Holland, and will, probably lead to other discoveries, of which we shall not hesitate to avail ourselves, to render the an nals of 1809 as perfect as possible.

We have never sought occasion to degrade high authorities; our volumes have not been the vehicles to calumniate the officers of state : we are aware, notwithstanding the mighty powers committed to their charge, that they are men liable to error, and therefore have more than an ordinary claim to public candour: there must, however, be limits to this principle, laudable as,

we

We trust, it is in itself; and the facts which are brought forward must not be withheld from a work which future ages will resort to as a faithful history of the times. In conformity with this principle, we shall endeavour to give an abridged but ample account of whatever relates to the investigation of the late commander in chief, omitting how ever the minutia of evidence; because, to enter at large on every branch of the business, would require a volume little inferior in magnitude to that which we are about to lay before the public.

The discussions in parliament on the conduct of the commander in chief: on the convention of Cintra: the conduct of the war in Spain: on the abuse of patronage: on the charges against certain ministers for a corrupt disposal of high of fices: on Mr. Curwen's bill for the prevention of the sale of seats in parliament; and on Mr. Wardle's motion respecting the public expenditure of the nation, and the mode of lessening that expenditure, will be found of great importance, and deserving the regard of those who are attentive to the political state of their country, and of the world in general.

The session was opened as usual by commissioners on the 19th of January, when a speech from his majesty was read by the lord chanceilor: the purport of this address was, that his majesty relied upon his parliament for support in the prosecution of a war, which could not be terminated honour, ably or safely but by vigorous exere tion: that he had directed the papers relating to the proposed negotiation at Erfurth to be laid before them, in the persuasion that they would agree, that the cause of

Spain should not be abandoned; the more so as he had received the strongest assurances from the Spanish government of their determined perseverance in the cause of the legitimate monarchy, and of the national independence of Spain: hence he was led to declare, that so long as the people of Spain should remain true to themselves, his majesty would continue to them his most strenuous support. In reverting to the affairs of Portugal, his majesty exulted in the achievements of his forces in the beginning of the campaign, and the deliverance of the kingdom of his ally from the presence and oppressions of the French army, though he could not but deeply regret the termination of that campaign by an armistice and convention, which he was obliged to disapprove. His majesty expressed his reliance on parliament to enable him to continue his aid the king of Sweden, who had a peculiar claim to support, from having concurred in the propriety of rejecting any proposal for negotiation to which the government of Spain was not to be admitted as a party. Having referred to the flourishing state of the finances, and to the establishment of a local militia, which had already been attended with the happiest effects, the lords commissioners added: "We have received his majesty's commands, most especially to recommend to you, that, duly weighing the immense interests which are at stake in the war now carrying on, you should proceed, with as little delay as possible, to consider of the most effec tual measures for the augmentation of the regular army, in order that his majesty may be better enabled, without impairing the means of de

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fence at home, to avail himself of the military power of his dominions in the great contest in which he is engaged, and to conduct that contest, under the blessing of Divine Providence, to a conclusion compatible with the honour of his ma. jesty's crown, and with the interests of his allies, of Europe, and of the world."

The earl of Bridgewater rose to move an address of thanks to his majesty for the speech that had been just read. The noble earl began by expressing his regret, that the task of moving the address, which should convey to his majesty the sentiments impressed on their lordships, had not devolved upon some noble lord who was better qualified to perform it. With the permission of their lordships, he would briefly advert to the leading topics in the speech. With respect to the rupture of the negotiation, if the proposition from Erfurth deserved to be so called, he was persuaded there could be little difference of opinion among their lordships. It was impossible to negotiate upon the terms proposed, the chief of which was, that we should withdraw all protection from Spain, and leave it to the mercy of the tyranny that was preparing to overwhelm it. With respect to the transactions in Portugal, there was some satisfaction in knowing, that whatever difference of opinion might have prevailed respecting the convention of Cintra, there was none respecting the bravery of that portion of the British army which so gloriously distinguished itself on the occasion. The noble earl then briefly touched on the necessity of augmenting our military force; of supporting Sweden; of affording every assistance in our power

to Spain; congratulated their lordships on the flourishing state of the revenue, and concluded with reading the address.

Lord Sheffield rose to second the address, and, in speaking of Spain, said, "It is our own cause; it is the cause of Europe and of the world: and we cannot but concur in applauding the determination of the Spaniards to persevere, to the last extremity, in the glorious contest for their liberty-a resolution worthy of that noble nation. We cannot but admire their spirit, when we reflect on the completely disorganized state into which they were thrown by the treachery of an implacable usurper. If they should not, in every instance, act according to our notion of what is expedient, or even if prejudice should prevent them from receiving assistance in the way that we think advisable; if their communications among themselves, and with us, should not be so prompt and perfect as might be expected from a country whose government, and every thing derived from it, had not been recently dissolved and overthrown; if we should observe among them a degree of party spirit or struggles for power, we should consider it as the lot of human nature; and when we look among ourselves (and it is highly to be humented, especially at this crisis), we discover the same. Even it all these circumstances should exist, we ought still to respect and admite their general conduct, and no despond, even though great reverses should take place. I believe there are few among us who are not convinced, that general ruin must ensue, if the war is not carried on with the utmost vigour, and that Spain is the country where the

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effort should be made; and how great should be our exultation when we hear that, during such a war, our trade on the whole is not diminished! Bonaparte threatened to subdue us by ruining our commerce, or by the expense of the war. We may now thank him for having made the experiment; we are relieved from all apprehensions on those points, for it is proved that reither decrees nor embargoes can materially affect our trade, and that the fourishing state of our finances enables us to carry on this expensive war without any considerable loan or new taxes. As to the embargo laid by the American states, I am confirmed in the opinion I always entertained, that it will prove more beneficial to the empire, than injurious: and we are indebted to the firmness of the present administration for a very great improvement in our situation, in respect to that country, and for the expectation that no machinations or menacing measures shall make us abandon those principles and that system, on which its greatness and power have been established. It is by contemplating these circumstances that we discover the real greatness and power of this country, and which I conceive can never be destroyed, but through our own misconduct."

The earl of St. Vincent observed, that he could not suffer the question to be put on the address, without claiming their lordships' attention for a few moments. Though he could not concur in every part of it, yet it was not his intention to propose any amendment. His principal motive for rising was, to express his unqualified disapprobation of the whole of the conduct of ministers; of every thing they had done with respect to Spain; of

every thing they had done with re spect to Portugal; of almost every thing they had done since they came into power, and particularly for the last six months. The noble lord who seconded the address talked of the vigour and efficacy of their measures. Vigour and efficacy indeed! when their whole conduct was marked by vacillation and incompetence. If such men, so notoriously incapable, were not immediately removed, the country was undone. There was one part, however, of the address and of the speech in which he cordially agreed, that which condemned the armistice and convention. It was the greatest disgrace that had befallen the British arms, the greatest stain that had been affixed to the honour of the country since the Revolution. Of the manner in which the naval part of that expedition had been conducted, opportunity would arise for discussing the extraordinary arrangement that had been made respecting the fleet in the Tagus. He would not withhold from ministers whatever praise might be due to them. He would give them credit for providing plenty of transports; but what was the merit of these exertions? Any one who offered a little more than the common market price might hire as many as he pleased; but ministers not only offered that market price, but a great deal more than they should have done. And how were these employed? Why, in conveying Junot and his runaway ruffians, with their plunder and exactions, all the plate and precious stones, and rare exhibitions of art, the fruits of their robberies of churches, palaces, and private houses, to France. It was with shame and sorrow that he saw men of the highest rank ins the British army and navy superintending

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